Excerpts taken from newspapers and other
eighteenth century news sources.

Without proper funding, the War for American Independence (like most worldly endeavors) would have come screeching to a halt. Before long, the United States of America was in desperate need of financial help from abroad. However, supporting a new nation still fighting to formalize it's independence from the greatest military power on the Earth could appear to be a bad investment. In 1777, the "celebrated AMERICAN PHILOSOPHER" Benjamin Franklin, then at Paris, set out to prove via pen and paper that an investment in America was a smart one. Read his  "Comparison of Great-Britain and the United States"  as it was published in the Monday, June 29, 1778, issue of Draper & Folsom's "The Independent Ledger, and American Advertiser"

The following Paper is supposed to have been written by a celebrated AMERICAN PHILOSOPHER, at Paris; for the purpose of borrowing money for the use of the United States of America; and it has had a wonderful effect; large sums having been lent, in consequence of the sound and irrefutable facts and arguments contained in it. It has been translated into the French and Dutch languages, and printed; and it is now circulating in Holland, Flanders, &c.

WITH regard to money loans, the credit of an individual depends more or less on the following particulars;

1. His known conduct with respect to former loans, and the punctuality with which he has discharged them.
    
2. His attention and application to business.
    
3. Frugality in his expenses.
    
4. The surety of his capital; that is to say, whether he has an estate of a good income, unencumbered with old debts, and from which consequently arises a sure ability of making payments.
    
5. A well grounded prospect of advancing his fortune in time to come, either by the improvement of his present possessions or by gains derived from another quarter.
    
6. His known care and prudence in the management of his common affairs, and the advantage to be obtained by the good use of the intended loan.
    
7. His approved upright behavior and honesty, manifested by voluntarily discharging debts, to the payment of which no judge could have compelled him.

The same reasons and circumstances that procure credit to an individual must in like manner create a sure confidence on societies of people or in whole nations, and this they actually do.

Let us now consider and compare Great-Britain and America in these different points of view, in order from thence to form a judgement, which of the two countries affords the greatest security for money loans.

1. With regard to former loans. We find that America, which in the last war contracted a debt of Ten Millions sterling, for the support of her army of 25,000 men, and her other burthens, has in the year 1772 faithfully discharged that, as well as all her other debts. Whereas Great-Britain, in ten years peace, and with the advantage of a very lucrative trade, has diminished her debt very little, or not at all. On the contrary, she has weakened the confidence of her creditors, by wanton profusions, and by an ill use of the Sinking Fund, destined for the payment of her debts.
    
2. With regard to attention and application to business. In America every body is busy. All hands are employed; some in cultivating their lands (which is by far the greatest part) others in navigation, in arts or in trade. An idle person is a rarity there. Idleness and unprofitableness to society are qualities by which a person there discredits himself. The case is different in England. That sort of people is very numerous. It is there become fashionable to do nothing, and this fashion has promoted a general growth of idlers: Hence the many failures and daily bankruptcies, occasioned by the taste fir costly diversions and the madness for luxury, which has reached its summit. Hence likewise, in a certain degree, the bad management of public affairs. For the habit of conducting affairs, and a dexterity in business, are only acquired by application and experience. And when an aversion to business and the love of an idle life become general, when every body is engaged only in pursuit of pleasure, the youth brought up in such a taste can seldom acquire that patient attention, that stedfast and uninterrupted application to business which are necessary qualities in a statesman. Hence spring the manifold mistakes and mismanagements of the English in politics; hence also their dislike to assist in their national assemblies, and their backwardness to appear therein; their continual reluctance to enter upon any measure that requires pains deliberation and care; and hence lastly, their propensity to delay from day to day every new proposal, a practice which is become a part of their politics, and in which they must have gained some experience, as experience is the natural fruit of practice so often repeated. In America the very reverse takes place. The inhabitants, trained to continual business and unremitting employment about their private concerns, apply themselves, when called upon, in a like manner to public affairs, with an alertness that is habitual to them, and thus nothing with them is neglected through delay.
    
3. As to frugality in expenses. The American’s manner of living is in general more simple and less expensive than that of the English. Frugal tables, plain dress, less costly furniture, no equipage for pleasure. An appearance of high living destroys a man’s credit in America. Thus every one has to avoid that appearance. In England many a man puts his house keeping on splendid footing in order to gain credit, and persists in it till he becomes bankrupt. In the management of public affairs the difference in still greater.  In England, the pensions of state officers, and the salaries annexed to offices, are enormous.  The king has a private income of one million sterling.  Notwithstanding which he is not able to support his family without contracting debts.  The Secretaries of State, Lords of the Treasury, and of the Admiralty, &c. &c. have very large salaries.  An Auditor of the Exchequer (I am told) draws six-pence in the pound, which is a fortieth part of all the money that issues out of the public treasury.  So that when a war costs Forty Millions, the Auditor has One Million for his share.  At the last coinage of specie, and Inspector of the mint had for his perquisites alone a yearly income of Sixty-Seven Thousand Pounds sterling; profits, indeed, to which the services, which those gentlemen can render to the public, bear no proportion.  All this must be paid by the people, who, already tottering under the burthen of taxes wantonly imposed, are little able to contribute to the payment of the necessary debts of the nation.  In America, where salaries are unavoidable, they are small as the nature of the thing will admit.  The honour of serving their country with distinction and fidelity is deemed a great reward.  It can with truth be asserted, that a patriotic spirit pervades that country, and produces there the greatest exertions.  In England, this spirit is every where looked upon as a mere chimera; and whoever ventures to shewany tokens of patriotism is laughed at as a fool, or mistrusted as a knave.  The Committees of Congress for the departments of treasury, of the navy, of foreign affairs, and for the purchase of arms, warlike stores cloathingfor the troops; all these Committees manage the affairs of their several departments without any salary or emolument whatever, though they spend therein more of their time than any Lord of the Treasury or Admiralty would chuse to part with from his pleasure for these purposes.  A former English minister of state has calculated, that all the expences which the Americans incur for the government of three millions of people do not exceed Seventy-Thousand Pounds sterling, eight millions of people may be well governed for three times that sum; and consequently, that it would be possible, practicable and salutary, to reform and curtail the expences of the English government.  Among a corrupt people, as the English are at present, nobody is ashamed to share in the profits, which men in office know how to procure to themselves at the expence of the public.  It is incredible, how the public money is in this manner misapplied and squandered away, the treasury plundered, and the taxes, already so numerous and burthensome, daily multiplied and rendered more oppressive, a circumstance that aggravates the yoke of the people.  Besides, as in war there is a fairer prospect of accumulating profits of this sort than in time of peace, many are on all occasions clamorous for war, and opposite to all proposals of peace, however fair.  Hence arises the continual increase of the national debt, and the impossibility of hoping ever to see it paid.
    
4. As to the surety of the capital.  The Thirteen United States of America are bound for one another, or, as we commonly say, jointly and severally, for the payment of the debts contracted by Congress; and the debt, which they are under the necessity of incurring for the present war, is the only one they have to pay.  All or almost all the debts heretofore contracted by the several colonies are already discharged.  Whereas England will have to pay not only the frightful debt which the present war must unavoidably occasion, but also her former immense debts, or at least the interest thereof.  In the mean while, America is enriching herself by prizes taken from the British trade, more than she could formerly do by all her commerce under the shackles and restrictions of British monopoly.  On the other hand, Great-Britain is impoverished by the loss of that monopoly and by the diminution of her revenues and is consequently less able to discharge the debt she is now inconsiderately augmenting.
    
5. With regards to better prospects thereafter.  Great-Britain has none.  Her islands are surrounded by the ocean, and she has no new lands to cultivate except some few woods and parks.  She cannot therefore improve in agriculture.  And with regard to population, instead of her inhabitants multiplying by an increase of the means of subsistence, they are daily diminishing by the progress of luxury, and the greater difficulty of housekeeping, which naturally discourages the inhabitants from entering into early marriages.  Thus Great-Britain will have fewer citizens to bear their share in paying the public debts, and this smaller number will at the same time be poorer.  America, on the contrary besides her lands already improved, possesses a very extensive and almost unbounded country, which may in time be cultivated.  The lands at present under cultivation daily improve in value by the labour of the farmer and planter, at the same time that the number of the inhabitants are increasing and the people which even now double their number by natural propagation every twenty-five years, will increase still faster by the accession of foreigners, so long as there is land to be given to new families.  So that every twenty years the inhabitants will be doubled, who will be jointly bound for the payment of the debts of the county, and these inhabitants becoming richer, will more easily bear their proportion of the public burthen.
    
6. But to proceed to their care and prudence in the management of their common affairs, and the advantage to be obtained by a good use of the intended loan.  It ought to be observed, that the Americans are a people chiefly employed in agriculture.  Those engaged in trade or fishery are but few in number, compared with the whole body of the people.  They have heretofore always managed the affairs of their several governments with prudence, avoiding wars, and all vain and expensive projects, and confining themselves to their peaceful occupations, which, considering the extensiveness of their unimproved lands will find them for ages to come.  The case is different with England.  Always restless, ambitious, covetous, wicked and quarrelsome, she is half her time engaged in one war or another, and always at an expence which is infinitely greater than any advantage can derive from thence, if she succeeded to her utmost wishes.  Thus in 1739 she engaged in a war with Spain, to obtain the payment of a debt of about Ninety-five Thousand Pounds, which would hardly amount to Four-pence a head on the whole nation.  That war cost her Forty Millions Sterling, and 50,000 men; and she concluded a peace without obtaining the satisfaction desired.  There is scarce a nation in Europe, on which she has not made war on one frivolous pretence or another.  By which means she has imprudently accumulated a debt, which has brought her to the brink of national bankruptcy.  But the most imprudent of all her wars is, that she is now carrying on against America, with which, only by a just and equitable conduct, she might have preserved, for ages, an advantageous connexion.  She is acting in this respect like a mad merchant, who beats every man that passes his door, in order to compel him to walk into his store and purchase his goods.  America will not submit it to this treatment till she is ruined, and being ruined, her custom is not worth a farthing.  Nevertheless, to accomplish this end, England is increasing her national debt, and ruining herself.  On the other hand, America has nothing in view but to establish her liberty, and a freedom of trade that will be beneficial to all Europe, while, in the mean time, the abolition of that monopoly, to which she has hitherto been subject, will procure her a profit, sufficient to defray the debt she contracts for executing this purpose.
    
7. Lastly, with regard to upright conduct, and honesty in discharging debts, we have observed in the first article the punctuality with which America discharged her public debt.  The general character of the Americans in this respect is evident, from the honesty with which they have paid their private debts in England, since the commencement of the present war.  It is true, there were some pretended politicians, who proposed to stop payment till the restoration of peace.  They alleged that in the ordinary course of commerce and the usual credit given, there was always a standing debt, equal to ten months trade; that the trade of the colonies being five millions sterling a year, the debt must amount to seven millions and a half; that the payment of this debt to the English merchants would relieve Great-Britain from the embarrassment to which it was proposed to reduce her by a stoppage of trade:  For, said they, if the merchants receive their money without fresh orders for goods, they will either put it into the public funds, or employ manufacturers, in order to lay up a stock of goods which they will have ready to sell sooner or later to the Americans, who will stand in need of them at the expected reconcilitation.  By which means they would support the public credit, and prevent the clamours of the manufacturers against the ministry.  But to this it was answered, that the injustice of the ministry ought not to be revenged upon the merchants, who were friends to America; that credit flows from private engagements, entered into with assurance of good faith; that these engagements ought to be held sacred, and faithfully executed; that whatever public advantage might be expected from a breach of private faith, such a breach was unjust, and would in the end be found to be impolitic, as honesty upon the whole is the best policy.  Upon this principle the proposal was unanimously rejected; and although the English have continued the war against the Americans, with unparalleled barbarity; burning the defenceless towns in the middle of winter, and arming the savages against them, the debt has been punctually paid; and the merchants of London declared in parliament, and must declare to all the world, that from the experience they have had of the conduct of the Americans, they never entertained, before the war, any suspicion of a want of fidelity on their part, and that since the war, they have been fully convinced the good opinion they entertained of them was well founded.  England, on the other hand, a corrupt, extravagant and ruined nation, sees herself immersed in a debt which she can never discharge, and yet goes on foolishly and wickedly, plunging herself still deeper and deeper, without any hope of satisfying her creditors, or any prospect of disengaging herself by any other means than that of a national bankruptcy.

These considerations being well weighed, it evidently appears, considering the general industry, frugality, riches, prudence and virtue of America, that she is a much safer debtor than Great-Britain.

In the spring of 1778, a group of Massachusetts soldiers chose "the highway" over the army way. As a result, their commanding officers placed advertisements offering rewards for public assistance in Folsom & Draper's "Independent Ledger and American Advertiser." Take a moment to explore these snapshots of one of the realities of army life during the Revolution.

On December 23, 1776, Thomas Paine wrote one of his greatest pamphlets, "The Crisis." This amazing piece of American literature begins: "These are the times that try men's souls: The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of his country; but he that stands it NOW, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph."

Despite the fact that Thomas Paine helped spark and preserve the spirit of American liberty during the darkest hours of the war for independence, some men were destined to become "summer soldiers" and "sunshine patriots." These two advertisements appeared together in the June 29, 1778, issue of Boston's "The Independent Ledger, and American Advertiser." William Burt, a soldier in Benjamin Tupper's 11th Massachusetts Regiment, as well as John Flinn, Joseph Mooney, and John Rods, soldiers in Major Ebenezer Steven's Independent Battalion of Continental Artillery, were officially "wanted men."

These types of advertisements certainly serve as a reminder of the darker side of the American Revolution. However, they are also of great interest to historians and researchers of American military uniforms of the period due to their often vivid descriptions of the clothing worn by the deserter.

"The Connecticut Gazette and Universal Intelligencer"

The September 7, 1781, issue of New London's own .
This was the first report of the battle, printed at the scene of the attack.

On September 6, 1781, British troops under the command of the infamous traitor Benedict Arnold attacked New London, Connecticut. As one division focused its energies on the reduction of Fort Griswold, on the Groton side of the Thames River, a second, led personally by Arnold, plundered New London. Experience the battle via the following contemporary accounts:

Early in 1776, several regiments were raised to reinforce the Continental forces before Quebec. However, despite a long and valiant effort by the Patriot army, Canada was not destined to become the "14th colony." One of these regiments, commanded by Colonel Elisha Porter of Hadley, Massachusetts, would serve as part of the 1st Brigade under the direct command of General Benedict Arnold. Learn what life was like during this expedition via Colonel Porters personal diary, as published in the September, 1893, issue of the "Magazine of American History."

THE BURNING OF NEW LONDON, ON THE 6TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1781.

From the Connecticut Gazette of Friday, September 7th.

We had prepared our paper this far for publication, when at about day break on thursday morning last, twenty-four sail of the enemy's shipping appeared to the westward of this harbour, which by many were supposed to be a plundering party, after stock; alarm guns were immediately fired, but the discharge of cannon in the harbour has become so frequent of late that they answered little or no purpose. The defenceless state of the fortifications and of the town are obvious to our readers; a few of the inhabitants who were equipped advanced towards the place where the enemy were tho't likely to make their landing, and manoeuvered on the heights adjacent, until the enemy at about 9 o'clock landed in two divisions of about 800 men each, one of them at Brown's farm near the light-house, the other at Groton point, the division that landed near the light-house marched up the road, keeping out large flanking parties, who were attacked in different places on their march by the inhabitants who had spirit and resolution t o oppose their progress; the main body of the enemy proceeded to the town and set fire to the stores on the beach, and immediately after to the dwelling-houses lying on the mill-cove; the scattered fire of our little parties, unsupported by our neighbors more distant, galled them so that they soon began to retire, setting fire to stores and dwelling houses promiscuously in their way; the fire from the stores communicated to the shipping that lay at the wharves, and a number were burnt, others swung to single fast and remained unhurt, At 4 o'clock they began to quit the town with great precipitation, and were pursued by our brave citizens with the spirit and ardour of veterans, and drove on board their boats. Five of the enemy were killed and about 20 wounded , among the latter is a Hessian captain who is a prisoner, as seven others. We lost four killed and ten or twelve wounded, none mortal.

The most valuable part of the town is reduced to ashes, and all the stores. Fort Trumbull, not being tenable on the land side, was evacutated as the enemy advanced, and the few men in it crossed the river to Fort Griswold, on Groton Hill, which was soon after invested by the division that landed at the point; the fort having in it only about 120 men, chiefly militia hastily collected, defended it with the greatest resolution and bravery, and once repulsed the enemy, but the fort being out of repair could not be defended by such a handful of men, tho' brave and determin'd against so superior a number; they did all that men of spirit and bravery, in such a situation could do; but after having a number of their party killed and wounded, they found that further resistance would be in vain, and resigned the fort: Immediately on their surrendery, the valiant Colonel Ledyard, whose fate in a particular manner is much lamented, and 70 other officers and men were murdered, most of whom were heads of families. The enemy lost a Maj. Montgomery and 41 officers and men in the attack, who were found buried near the fort; their wounded were carried off. Soon after the enemy got possession of the fort they set fire to and burnt a number of dwelling houses and stores on Groton bank, and embarked about sun set, taking with them sundry of the inhabitants of New-London and Groton.

Scarce Autograph of Colonel William Ledyard (from a document dated March 14, 1781).

A Colonel Ayers, who commanded the division at Groton, was wounded and it is said died on board the fleet, the night they embarked.

About 15 sail of vessels with effects of the inhabitants, retreated up the river on the approach of the enemy and were saved, and four others remained in the harbour unhurt. The troops were commanded by that infamous traitor to his country Benedict Arnold, who headed the division which marched to this town. By this calamity it is judged that more than one hundred families are deprived of their habitations and most of them of their ALL.

This neighborhood feel sensibly the loss of many deserving citizens, and tho' deceased can't but be highly indebted to them for their spirit and bravery in their exertions and manly opposition to the merciless enemies of our country in their last moments.

Fort Griswold

From the same Paper of September 14th, 1781.

The following savage action, committed by the troops who subdued Fort Griswold on Groton hill, on Thursday last, ought to be recorded to their eternal infamy:

Soon after the surrendery of the fort they loaded a wagon with our wounded men, by orders of their officers, and set the wagon off from the top of the hill, which is long and very steep; the wagon went a considerable distance with great force, till it was suddenly stopped by a tree; the shock was so great to those faint and bleeding men that part of them died instantly; the officers ordered their men to fire on the wagon while it was running.

From the same Paper of September 21st, 1781.

Arnold's burning fleet, after leaving this harbour, plundered great part of the inhabitants on Long Island; 400 of them landed at Southhold, and plundered and carried off to the value of £3000.

Monday se'nⁿight a flag sailed from hence with five of Arnold's burning party that were taken prisoners here; the flag overtook the fleet at Whitestone, and returned here last Sunday with five lads that were taken at Fort Griswold.

Since our last 7 or 8 dead bodies of officers and soldiers have drove ashore on the Great Neck, and 3 others on Groton shore which were thrown out of Arnold's burning fleet. Our advices from New York are that the enemy lost 220 men, killed and dead of their wounds, in their attack on Groton Fort and this place, besides about 70 deserters.

The following is the most accurate list we have been able to collect of the names of the brave and worthy citizens who were murdered at Fort Griswold, Sept. 6, 1781, including those who have since died of their wounds.

The whole number of killed and those since died of their wounds is said to be 82. Should we be able to collect the names of the others, they shall be published.  

BELONGING TO GROTON

Lt.-Col. William Ledyard, Mess. Elijah Avery, John Williams, Simeon Allen, Samuel Allen, Amos Stanton, Hubbart Burrows, Nathan Moor, Youngs Ledyard, Joseph Lewis, Henry Williams, Ebenezer Avery, John Lester, John Stedman, Daniel Avery, David Avery, Esq., Daniel Chester, Solomon Avery, Jasper Avery, Elisha Avery, Thomas Avery, David Palmer, Sylvester Walworth, Philip Covil, Ezekiel Bailey, Jeremiah Chester, David Seabury, Henry Woodbridge, Christopher Woodbridge, Elnathan Perkins, Luke Perkins, Luke Perkins, Jun., Elisha Perkins, asa Perkins, Simeon Perkins, John Brown, John P. Babcock, Nathaniel Adams, Barney Kinne, Samuel Hill, Nathan Sholes, Joseph Moxley, Thomas Starr, Jun., Nicholas Starr, Moses Jones, Rufus Hurlbut, Belton Allen, Benadam Allen, Andrew Billings, Simeon Morgan, Patrick Ward, Christopher Avery, Jonas Lester, Edward Mills, Wait Lester, Thomas Miner, Andrew Baker, Solomon Tift, Josiah Wigger.  

BELONGING TO NEW LONDON

Mess. Peter Richards, James Comstock, Richard Chapman, John Holt, Samuel billings, John Clark, John Whittelsey, Stephen Whittelsey, Eliaday Jones, Jonathan Butler, Wm. Comstock of Fort Trumbull, Daniel Williams, William Bolton.  

BELONGING TO STONINGTON

Mess. Enoch Stanton, Thomas Williams, Daniel Stanton.  

BELONGING TO PRESTON

Mr. John Billings.

BELONGING TO LONG ISLAND

Capt. Ellis, Henry Halsey.

NEGROES

Lambo Latham, Jordan Freeman.  

By the best information we can get there were 6 of the above killed and 20 wounded, previous to the enemy's gaining possession of the Fort.

The number of the enemy found buried in Groton amounts to 61.  

From Connecticut Gazette of October 12th.

The following is a list of dwelling-houses, stores, &etc., in New London which were set on fire by the enemy and consumed. The names of the owner or occupant are indiscriminately mentioned in this list.

North end of the town, and Main Street (entries are followed by the number of families residing within).

Picket Latimer's house and barn - 1, Widow Plumbe's house and barn - 2, Henry Latimer's (late) house - 1, Late Deacon Green's house and shop - 4, Christopher Prince's house - 1, James Pitman's house - 1, Daniel Byrne's house - 1, Roswell Saltonstall's house and cooper's shop - 1, Joseph Hurlbut's house and cooper's shop - 1, Widow Roger's house - 1, Henry Deshon's house - 1, Gen. Slatonstall's house, 2 stores, shop and barn - 1, Store improved by Owen Neil for a house - 1, Late Duncan Stewart's house - 2, Heirs of Peter Harris, 1 store and one barn., Joseph Packwood's store., Roger Gibson's house - 2, Samuel and Richard Latimer's house - 2, Ichabod Power's house - 2, Peter Latimer's house and cooper's shop - 4, Widow Shapley's house - 1, Guy Richards & Son, 3 stores and slaughter house., John Hartell's work-shop.

On Beach Street.

Widow Elliot's house and barn - 1, Edward Hallam & Co., 3 stores and barn., David Mumford's store., Roswell Saltonstall's distill house, and store., do do opposite thereto 1 store and a cooper's shop improv'd as a house - 1, Store improv'd by John Springer's family -1, Thomas Wilson's store., Shoe-maker's shop., Nathaniel Shaw's two stores., Joseph Packwood's store., John Deshon's house and two stores - 1, Widow Skinner's house - 1, Elijah Richard's house - 1, Widow Potter's house - 2, Barsheba Smith's house - 2, Court house, church, jail, jail-house, watch-house and barber's shop - 2.

On the Bank.

Samuel Belden's store., do do do on the wharf improv'd by a family - 1, Widow Hancock's two houses - 2, Shop improv'd by Thomas Gardiner., John Erving's house, one store and barn - 1, Jonathan Douglass's house and cooper's shop - 1, Daniel Deshon's house - 3, Widow Leete's house - 1, Charles Chadwick's house and empty store - 1, John Champlin's shop., James Thomson's house and barn - 2, Samuel Belden's house and barn - 1, John M'Curdy's house, 2 stores, and barn - 1, Widow M'Neils house, and shop opposite - 1, Richard Potter's house and store - 1, Widow Bulkley's two houses - 4, Widow Fosdick's house and barn - 1, Jonathan Starr's work-shop., Jere. Miller's house, store, and barn - 1, Joshua Starr's house and work-shop - 2, do do do and barn - 1, Titus Hurlbut's 2 houses, 2 shops, and barn - 5, James Tilley's house, rope-walk and barn - 1, Doct. Wolcott's house and barn - 1, Jacob Fink's house and slaughter house - 1, John Way's house and cooper shop - 1, Russel Hubbard's house, store, and barn - 3, James Lamphear's house - 2, Widow Short's house - 4, Andrew Palmes's house - 2, Nathan Douglas's house, tan-house, and barn - 1, Jere. Miller's house improved by W. Constant - 1, Joseph Coit's house and two barns - 1, do do on the wharf, one house and two stores - 1, Nath'l Shaw's house, shop, and two stores - 3.

At the head of Long Bridge Cove.

Deshon & Christopher's house and tan-house - 1, A house on Hog Neck - 1.
 

Total, 65 houses containing 97 families, 31 stores, 18 shops, 20 barns, 9 public and other buildings, besides a variety of other small buildings of different kinds not here enumerated.

Total of buildings here enumerated - 143.

There were burnt at Groton at the same time 1 school-house, 4 barns, 2 shops, 2 stores, and 12 dwelling-houses.
 

NAMES OF THE OWNERS OF HOUSES BURNED.

From a list in the papers of Colonel Benadam Gallup.

"HOUSES BURNT."
 

Elihu Avery, Benjamin Chester, Elijah Avery, Esqr. (Ebenezer) Ledyard, Youngs Ledyard, Jason Chester, Captn. (William) Leeds, Captn.(Frederick) More, John Chester, Micha Jefford, Edward Jeffors, Doctor (Amos) Prentis, Esqr. (Thomas) Mumford, Ensn. (Charles, Jr.) Eldridge.

Colonel Porters personal diary

The September 13, 1781, issue of Boston's
  "Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser".

HARTFORD, September 11th.

Extract of a letter from an officer commanding militia, dated New-London, Friday, 9 o'clock, Sept. 7, 1781.

"Yesterday morning at 10 o'clock, I received advice that the enemy were landing at New-London Harbour's mouth. I immediately ordered the regiment under my command to march to New-London for its defence. I arrived here, but it was too late to afford any great assistance in repelling the enemy, as they landed at 6 o'clock, and it was too late before I received advice of their arrival, that before the regiment could possibly get down, they were embarking.

"The enemy were under the command of the infamous General Arnold, and by the best accounts consisted of from 1500 to 2000 men. They have barred the greatest part of the talents of New-London and Groton near the water. The garrison at Fort Trumbull evacuated the fort and went over to fort Griswold, where Col. Ledyard had made a noble defense -- repulsed the enemy two or three times, but at last was obliged to surrender the fort to superior force. The enemy, after Col. Ledyard had surrendered, murdered him and a number of others; they left 73 of our men dead, and between 30 and 40 wounded in the fort; they also carried off about 40 prisoners, among which last number is Ebenezer Ledyard, Esq. They evacuated the fort about 10 o'clock in the evening. They blew up the magazines in both forts, but did very little other damage to either of them.

"The enemy this morning were at the harbour's mouth on board their shipping, and came to sail about 8 o'clock; they were still just out beyond the Light House, as the wind is against them. Their shipping consists of about 30 sail, two of which appeared to be about 20 guns each.

"We cannot ascertain the loss the enemy sustained, but by the best accounts imiagine it must be as large as ours, if not larger. We have taken on this side a few prisoners, among which is an Ensign mortally wounded.

"The loss sustained in this town, in goods, provisions, stores, shipping, &c. is very great. A considerable number of vessels made their escape up Norwich River."

Another letter, dated Fort-Griswold, Groton, 7th Sept. 10 o'clock, A.M., says, "That the enemy landed at New-London and Groton early yesterday morning, and soon took possession of the works on New-London side the river; and about one in the afternoon took possession of fort Griswold, in Groton, by storm, after a most severe and spirited resistance from our troops. About seventy-five of our men found dead in the fort, officers included, among whom is the worthy and brave Lieut. Col. Ledyard, with several other officers of distinguished merit. Capt. Shapley of Fort Trumbull.... (illegible; however, he was mortally wounded and died on February 14, 1782, at age 43).

Pay-Table Receipt Issue to Capt. Adam Shapley Nine Days Prior to His Death. It is Signed on the Back by the Administrator of his Estate.

"The enemy embarked on board their ships at about 11 o'clock last night, after burning most of the houses and other buildings on Groton bank, and many in New-London, among which are the Court-House, Church, &c."

General Arnolds official after action report to Sir Henry Clinton

Commander in Chief of British forces in America, as it appeared in the British "Gentleman's Magazine" for November, 1781.

AMERICAN NEWS.

Copy of a Letter from Brig. Gen. Arnold, to his Excellency the Commander in Chief, dated Sound off Plumb Island, Sept. 8, 1781.

I have the honour to inform your Excellency, that the transports with the detachment of troops under my orders anchored on the Long Island Shore on the 5^th inst. At two o'clock P.M. about ten leagues from New London; and having made some necessary arrangements, weighed anchor at seven o'clock P.M. and stood for New London with a fair wind. At one o'clock the next morning we arrived off the harbour, when the wind suddenly shifted to the northward, and it was nine o'clock before the transports could beat in. At ten o'clock, the troops in two divisions, and in four debarkations, were landed; one on each side the harbour about three miles from New London; that on the Groton side, consisting of the 40^th and 54^th regiments, and the 3d battalion of New Jersey volunteers, with a detachment of yagers and artillery, were under the command of Lieut. Col. Eyre. The division on the New London side consisted of the 38^th reg. the loyal Americans, the American legion, refugees, and a detachment of sixty yagers, who were immediately on landing put in motion; and at 11 o'clock, being within a half mile of Fort Trumbull, which commands New London harbour, I detached Capt. Millet with four companies on the 38^th reg. To attack the fort, who was joined on his march by Capt. Frink with one company of the American legion. At the same time I advanced with the remainder of the division, west of Fort Trumbull, on the road to the town, to attack a redoubt which had kept up a brisk fire upon us for some time, but which the enemy evacuated on our approach. In this work we found six pieces of cannon mounted, and two dismounted; soon after I had the pleasure to see Capt. Millet march into Fort Trumbull under a shower of grape shot from a number of cannon, which the enemy had turned upon him; and I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency, that, by the sudden attack and determined bravery of the troops, the fort was carried with the loss of only four or five men killed and wounded. Capt. Millet had orders to leave one company in Fort Trumbull, to detach one to the redoubt we had taken, and to join me the other two companies. No time on my part was lost in gaining the town of New London. We were opposed by a small body of the enemy with one field piece, who were obliged to leave the piece, which, being iron, was spiked and left.

As soon as the enemy were alarmed in the morning, we could perceive they were busily employed in bending sails, and endeavoring to get their privateers and other ships at Norwich River, out of our reach; but the wind being small, and the tide against them, they were obliged to anchor again. From information I received before and after my landing, I had reason to believe that Fort Griswold, on Groton side, was very incomplete; and I was assured (by friends to government) after my landing, that there were only 20 or 30 men in the fort; the inhabitants in general being on board their ships, and busy saving their property. On taking possession of Fort Trumbull, I found the enemy's ships would escape, unless we could posses ourselves of Fort Griswold; I therefore dispatched an officer to Lieut. Col. Eyre, with the intelligence I had received, and requested him to make an attack upon the fort as soon as possible; at which time I expected the howitzer was up, and would have been made use of.

On my gaining a height of ground in the rear of New London, from which I had a good prospect of Fort Griswold, I found it much more formidable than I expected, or than I had formed an idea of from the information I had before received; I observed at the same time, that the men who had escaped from Fort Trumbull, had crossed in boats and thrown themselves into Fort Griswold; and a favourable wind springing up about this time, the enemy's ships were escaping up the river, notwithstanding the fire from Fort Trumbull, and a six-pounder which I had with me. I immediately dispatched a boat with an officer to Lieut. Col. Eyre, to countermand my first orders to attack the fort, but the officer arrived a few minutes too late.

Arnold's Vantage Point - Ye Towne's Antientist Burial Place (Grave of Captain Adam Shapley on left)

Lieut. Col. Eyre had sent Capt. Beckwith with a flag to demand a surrender of the fort, which was peremptorily refused, and the attack had commenced. After a most obstinate defence of near 40 minutes, the fort was carried by the superior bravery and perseverance of the assailants. The attack was judicious and spirited, and reflects the highest honour on the officers and troops engaged, who seemed to vie with each other in being first in danger. The troops approached on three sides of the work, which was a square, with flanks, made a lodgement in the ditch, and under heavy fire, which they kept up on the works, effected a second lodgement on the fraizing, which was attended with great difficulty, as only a few pickets could be forced out or broke in a place, and was so high that the soldiers could not ascend without assisting each other. Here the coolness and bravery of the troops were very conspicuous; as the first who ascended the fraize were obliged to silence a nine-pounder, which infiladed the place on which they stood, until a sufficient body had collected to enter the works, which was done with fixed bayonets through the embrazures, where they were opposed with great obstinacy by the garrison with long spears. On this occasion I have to regret the loss of Maj. Montgomery, who was killed by a spear in entering the enemy's works; also of Ensign Whillock, of the 40^th reg. who was killed in the attack. Three other officers of the 54^th reg. were also wounded, but I have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that they are all in a fair way of recovery.

Lieut. Col. Eyre, who behaved with great gallantry, having received his wound near the works, and Major Montgomery being killed immediately after, the command devolved on Major Bromfield, whose behavior on this occasion does him great honour.

Lieut. Col. Buskirk, with the New Jersey volunteers and artillery, being the second debarkation, came up soon after the work was carried, having been retarded by the roughness of the country. I am much obliged to this gentleman for his exertions, although the artillery did not arrive in time.

I have enclosed a return of the killed and wounded, by which your Excellency will observe that our loss, though very considerable, is very short of the enemy's, who lost most of their officers, among whom was their commander Col. Ledyard. Eighty-five men were found dead in Fort Griswold, and 60 wounded, most of them mortally; their loss on the opposite side must have been considerable, but cannot be ascertained. I believe we have about 70 prisoners, besides the wounded, who were left paroled.

Ten or twelve of the enemy's ships were burned, among them three or four armed vessels, and one loaded with naval stores; an immense quantity of European and West India goods were found in the stores; among the former cargo of the Hannah, Capt. Watson, from London, lately captured by the enemy: the whole of which was burnt with the stores, which proved to contain a large quantity of powder, unknown to us; the explosion of the powder, and change of wind, soon after the stores were fired, communicated the flames to part of the town, which was, notwithstanding every effort to prevent it, unfortunately destroyed.

Upwards of 50 pieces of iron cannon were destroyed in the different works (exclusive of the guns of the ships), a particular return of which I cannot do myself the honour to transmit to your Excellency at this time.

A very considerable magazine of powder, and barracks to contain 300 men, were found in Fort Griswold, which Capt. Lemoine of the royal artillery had my positive directions to destroy; an attempt was made by him, but unfortunately failed; he had my orders to make a second attempt; the reasons why it was not done, Capt. Lemoine will have the honour to explain to your Excellency.

I should be wanting in justice to the gentlemen of the navy, did I omit to acknowledge that upon this expedition I have received every possible aid from them; Capt. Beasley has made every exertion to assist our operations, and not only gave up his cabin to the sick and wounded officers, but furnished them with every assistance and refreshment that his ship afforded.

Lord Dalrymple will have the honour to deliver my dispatches; I beg leave to refer your Excellency to his lordship for the particulars of our operations on the New London side. I feel myself under great obligations to him for his exertions upon the occasion.

Capt. Beckwith, who was extremely serviceable to me, returns with his lordship. His spirited conduct in the attack of Fort Griswold does him great honour, being one of the first officers who entered the works. I beg leave to refer your Excellency to him for the particulars of our operations on that side, and to say I have the highest opinion of his abilities as an officer.

I am greatly indebted to Capt. Stapleton (who acted as major of brigade) for his spirited conduct and assistance; in particular on the attack upon Fort Trumbull, and his endeavors to prevent plundering (when the public stores were burnt), and the destruction of private buildings.

The officers and troops in general behaved with the greatest intrepidity and firmness.

B. ARNOLD.

Return of the Killed and Wounded, and Missing.

Total. 1 major, 1 ensign, 2 serjeants, 44 rank and file, killed; 1 lieut. col. 3 captains, 2 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 8 serjeants, 2 drummers, 127 rank and file, wounded; 8 rank and file, missing.

Names of Officers Killed and Wounded.

40^th reg. Maj. Wm. Montgomery, Ensign Arch. Whillock, killed; Capt. Geo. Craigie, Lieut. H. Wm. Smyth, Ensign Tho. Hyde wounded, and since dead.

54^th reg. Lieut. Col. Edm. Eyre, Capt. Rich. Powell, Lieut. Tho. Daunt, Ensign Wm. Rainsforth, Volunteer James Boyd, wounded.

American Legion. Capt Sam. Wogan, wounded.

JOHN STAPLETON.

The Annual Register or a View of the History, Politics and Literature, for the Year 7181.

As some consolation for the imminent danger which threaten the British power in Virginia, and some return for the deceptions so successfully practiced by the enemy, their departure from the confines of New York was speedily followed by a successful expedition to Connecticut, which was attended with no small loss and ruin to the Americans. The trading town of New London, on the River Thames, was the object of this enterprize; and its conduct, with a sufficient land and marine force, was committed to General Arnold, who was himself a native of that province.

The embarkation having passed over from the Long Island shore in the night, the troops were landed in two detachments, on each side of the harbor, in the morning; that on the Groton side being commanded by Lieutenant Col. Eyre, and that on the New London side by the General. Mr. Arnold met with no great trouble on his side; Fort Trumbull, and a redoubt, which were intended to cover the harbor and town, being taken without much difficulty or loss, and th e place in itself being entirely defenseless.

But affairs on the other side were more serious. Fort Griswold, which the eager and encouraging zeal of the loyalists had represented as very incomplete in its works, and destitute of anything like a garrison, was on the contrary found to be very strong, and no less well defended. The general, under the impression of the information he had received, and from the opportunity which the fort afforded to the enemy's ships of escaping up the river, had directed Colonel Eyre to attack the fort directly, and carry it by a coup de main. But upon his obtaining a good view of it in the neighborhood of New London, he immediately perceived the deception, and that the fort was in a much more formidable state than it had been represented; upon which he dispatched an officer to countermand the orders for an attack.

The officer was too late, the attack had already commenced. The fort was indeed formidable, the defense answerable, and it required all the valor and impetuosity of the two brave regiments which were engaged, to surmount the difficulties and dangers of the encounter. The attack, notwithstanding the little time for observation or counsel, was very judiciously conducted. The work was a square, with flanks; and the troops advancing on three sides at once, succeeded in making a lodgment in the ditch; they then, under the cover of a very heavy and constant fire upon the works, affected a second lodgment against the fraizing, which was a work of the greatest difficulty , as besides the obstinacy of the defense, the height was so considerable, that the soldiers could only ascend by mutual help from each other's shoulders, and those who first ascended, had still to silence a nine punder, which enfiladed the very spot on which they stood. The troops at length made their way good with fixed bayonets through the embrasures, notwithstanding the fierce defence made by the garrison, who now, changing their weapons, fought desperately hand to hand with long spears.

The 40th and 54th regiments, purchased the honour, great as it was, which they gained in storming this place. Colonel Eyre was wounded in the attack, and the command taken by Major Montgomery, who being killed with a spear, as he gallently entered the works, was succeeded by Major Bromfield, who had the fortune of completing the reduction of the fort. Two commissioned officers, and 46 men, were killed on the spot, besides eight missing, whose fate may scarcely be considered as doubtful; eight commissioned officers, some of whom died, with 135 non-commissioned privates, were wounded. The loss of the garrison was proportioned to the obstinancy of their defence. Colonel Ladyard, the commander, with most of his officers, and 85 private men, lay dead in the fort; of 60 who were disabled, much the greater part were mortally wounded; about 70 were made prisoners.

The taking of Fort Griswold, did not prevent 16 of the American ships from making their escape up the river; about a dozen others were burnt. The loss which the Americans sustained in the destruction of this place was prodigious. The quantities of naval stores, of European manufactures, of East-India, and of West-India commodities, are represented to have been so immense, as almost to exceed belief. Every thing, on the town side of the river, was destroyed by fire. Nothing was carried off, excepting such small articles of spoil as afforded no trouble in the conveyance. The burning of the town, was said to be contrary to intention and orders, and was attributed to the great quantity of gun powder lodged in the store houses. The business was so hastily conducted, that the barracks and a considerable magazine of gun-powder at Fort Griswold, escaped that destruction which involved every thing on the other side of the river. This is not accounted for, but must undoubtedly have proceeded from a knowledge of some movements making (sic) by the enemy in the adjoining country.

As the Revolution progressed, the value of State and Continental currency steadily depreciated. This economic crisis would result in numerous financial woes, pushing a successful conclusion to the war seemingly further out of reach. Read an inciteful address to the "PEOPLE of AMERICA" written by "A SOLDIER" during this time of troubles. He offers sound advice regarding the power and responsibilities of the voter, which is just as pertinent today as it was nearly two hundred and twenty years ago. Originally printed in the "New-Jersey Gazette," this address has been taken from the July 5, 1779, edition of Massachusetts's colonial newspaper the "Independent Ledger and the American Advertiser."

 First hand reports and interesting letters, etc., written by the participants.

Early in 1776, several regiments were raised to reinforce the Continental forces before Quebec. However, despite a long and valiant effort by the Patriot army, Canada was not destined to become the "14th colony." One of these regiments, commanded by Colonel Elisha Porter of Hadley, Massachusetts, would serve as part of the 1st Brigade under the direct command of General Benedict Arnold. Learn what life was like during this expedition via Colonel Porter's personal diary, as published in the September, 1893, issue of the "Magazine of American History."

TOUCHING HIS MARCH TO THE RELIEF OF THE CONTINENTAL FORCES BEFORE QUEBEC

By Appleton Morgan

[On July 19, 1775, the general court of the commonwealth of Massachusetts met at Watertown, as Boston was in the hands of the British forces under General Gage. Among the delegates were Elisha Porter, delegate from the town of Hadley, and Abner Morgan, delegate from the town of Brimfield, Hampden county, the latter of whom had just left Harvard college and been sworn in as a barrister-at-law, and had been commissioned a "justice of the quorum" for Hamden county. On Sunday, January 21, 1776 – the general court then sitting seven days in a week, in view of the exigencies of the times – the house of representatives voted to raise a regiment of seven hundred and twenty-eight men from Berkshire and Hampshire counties, and to tender their services to General Washington for an expedition to Canada. On the twenty-second day of January, both Mr. Ported and Mr. Morgan received their commissions as colonel and majot respectively of this regiment, "from the Council of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, at Watertown, the twenty second Day of January in the sixteenth year of the Reign of His Majesty King George the Third, A.D. 1776." This was one of a number of other regiments raised for the same purpose, some of which proceed into Canada over Arnold’s route via the valley of the Kennebec in Maine, and others the route via Ticonderoga, which was Colonel Porter’s line of march. The very interesting diary here reprinted is at present in the possession of Colonel Porter’s great-grandson, Samuel D. Smith, Esq., of Hadley, Massachusetts, and by his permission has been copied for me, and the privilege accorded me of sending it to the Magazine of American History. It is written on blank pages inserted in an almanac, of which the title-page runs: The North American’s ALMANACK and LADIES and GENTLEMEN’S Diary for the year of our LORD CHRIST, 1776. Printed by J. Thomas, in Worcester, B. EDISON in Watertown, and S. & E. HALL in Cambridge.

Colonel Porter had one son, Samuel, whose daughter was the mother of Mr. S. D. Smith of Hadley, the present owner of the diary reprinted below. Colonel Porter’s first wife, and mother of his children, was Sarah Jewett, daughter of Patience Phillips. At her death he married her cousin, Abigail Phillips, a descendant of Rev. George Phillips, a clergyman of the Established church, who became a Puritan and accompanied Winthrop to the new world in 1630. He was settled at Watertown, and his sons in Salem and Andover – Samuel founding Andover seminary. Colonel Porter graduated at Harvard college,1761, and died in 1790 at Hadley, aged fifty-four. Major Morgan served as a field officer until 1781. At Crown Point, July 8, 1776, he drew up an address of the field officers to General John Sullivan on the occasion of his withdrawing from command of the army in Canada. August 29, 1778, he was promoted to the rank of brigade major, and detached to supervise enlistments. After the war he continued to be prominent in affairs. In 1782 he was chairman of the committee of western Massachusetts "for taking up persons dangerous to the commonwealth." In 1798 he was the assessor in the levying of the direct tax of two million dollars levied by act of congress, 1798. He was for twenty-two years selectman, being chairman of the board for twenty-two years of the time, and represented Brimfield in the general court from 1789 to 1801. The house he built in 1783 still stands, the largest and strongest in Brimfield, Massachusetts. He was an ardent Federalist, and I have in my possession a memorial which he sent to the general court, advising a temporary withdrawal of the state of Massachusetts from the Federal Union rather than consent to the policy of the war of 1812. But when the contrary policy was decided upon, none were more earnest than he. (The above is a piece of history which shows that the doctrine of state rights was not unique south of Mason and Dixon’s line.) Major Morgan died November 7, 1837, aged ninety-two years. He is buried in Forest Hills cemetery, Lima, New York, the inscription upon his monument reading: "Abner Morgan, an officer of the Revolution, and a member of the Massachusetts bar." He was born January 7, 1746, the son of Joseph Morgan and Ruth Miller his wife, and great-great-grandson of Miles Morgan, the emigrant who settled Springfield in 1632. The family were among the original patentees of the precinct known as Brimfield, which on their petition was set apart by Governor Stoughton in 1700, the petition alleging that Springfield was getting so populous that land was falling short, "any thoughts of such falling short being very afflictive to us," lest there should be "a want of accommodations for our Posterity to live comefortabley thereon, the want whereof may enforce their removing (as wel as some of ourselves) out of this province to such Place where they may obtain land to live on – some of our young men being already gon & others endeavoring to sute themselves in the neighnorn colony where new Places are agoeing forward & Incouragements offered us whereby we are in Hazzard of being diminished and weakened ourselves."

The town laid out in accordance with this petition has been one of the most patriotic and public-spirited in history. Although not possessing more than eleven hundred polls, the town voted £176.8, August 16, 1776, to pay soldiers for the continental army, and actually sent in all the total of four hundred and fifteen soldiers to the patriot service. The town records show that not only in the Revolution, but that to the calls of the prior continental wars, and the two sieges of Louisburg, to the war of 1812, and even to the dispersing of Shay’s rebellion, the town responded promptly, raising a full quota of men and money in each case for the patriotic purpose.]

Read General George Washington's:

Newburgh Address

To the General, Field & other Officers Assembled at the New Building pursuant to the General Order of the 11^th. Instant March.

Head Quarters Newburgh 15^th of March 1783.

GENTLEMEN,

By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene you together -- how inconsistent with the rules of propriety! -- how unmilitary! -- and how subversive of all order and discipline -- let the good sense of the Army decide.--

In the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent into circulation; addressed more to the feelings of passions, than to the reason & judgment of the Army. -- The author of the piece, is entitled to much credit for the goodness of his Pen: -- and I could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his Heart -- for, as men we see thro' different Optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the Mind, to use different means to attain the same end: -- the Author of the Address, should have had more charity, than to mark for Suspicion, the Man who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance -- or, in others words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. -- But he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of Sentiment, regard to justice, and love of Country, have no part, and he was right, to insinuate the darkest suspicion, to effect the blackest designs.

That the Address is drawn with great Art, and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes. -- That it is calculated to impress the Mind, with an idea of premeditated injustice in the Sovereign power of the United States, and rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a belief. -- That the secret Mover of this Scheme (whoever he may be) intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of Mind which is so necessary to give dignity & stability to Measures, is rendered too obvious, by the mode of conducting the business to need other proof than a reference to the proceeding. --

Thus much, Gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to shew upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last: -- and not because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity, consistent with your own honor, and the dignity of the Army, to make known your grievances. -- If my conduct heretofore, has not evinced to you, that I have been a faithful friend to the Army, my declaration of it at this time wd. Be equally unavailing & improper. -- But as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common Country -- As I have never left your side one moment, but when called from you, on public duty -- As I have been the constant companion & witness of your Distresses, and not among the last to feel, & acknowledge your merits -- As I have ever considered my own Military reputation as inseperably connected with that of the Army -- As my Heart has ever expanded with Joy, when I have heard its praises -- and my indignation has arisen, when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it -- it can scarcely be supposed, at this late stage of the War, that I am indifferent to its interests. --

But -- how are they to be promoted? The way is plain, says the anonymous Addresser -- If War continues, remove into the unsettled Country -- there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful Country to defend itself -- But who are they to defend? -- Our Wives, our Children, our Farms, and other property which we leave behind us. -- or -- in this state of hostile seperation, are we to take the two first (the latter cannot be removed) -- to perish in a Wilderness, with hunger cold & nakedness? -- If Peace takes place, never sheath your Sword says he untill you have obtained full and ample Justice -- This dreadful alternative, of either deserting our Country in the extremest hour of her distress, or turning our Arms against it, (which is the apparent object, unless Congress can be compelled into instant compliance) has something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. -- My God! What can this writer have in view, by recommending such measures? -- Can he be a friend to the Army? -- Can he be a friend to this Country? -- Rather is he not an insidious Foe? -- Some Emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord & seperation between the Civil & Military powers of the Continent? -- And what compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends measures in either alternative, impracticable in their Nature?

But here, Gentlemen, I will drop the curtain; -- and because it wd. be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your conception, to suppose you stood in need of them. -- A moments reflection will convince every dispassionate Mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. --

There might, Gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this Address to you, of an anonymous production -- but the manner in which that performance has been introduced to the Army -- the effect it was intended to have, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency of that Writing. -- With respect to the advice given by the Author -- to suspect the man, who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance -- I spurn it -- as every man, who regards that liberty, & reveres that Justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must -- for if Men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter, which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences, that can invite the consideration of Mankind; reason is of no use to us -- the freedom of Speech may be taken away -- and, dumb & silent we may be led, like sheep, to the Slaughter.

I cannot, in Justice to my own belief, & what I have great reason to conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude this Address, without giving it as my decided opinion; that that Honble. Body, entertain exalted sentiments of the Services of the Army; -- and, from a full conviction of its Merits & sufferings, will do it compleat Justice: -- That their endeavors, to discover & establish funds for this purpose, have been unwearied, and will not cease, till they have succeeded, I have succeeded, I have not a doubt. -- But, like all other large Bodies, where there is a variety of different Interests to reconcile, their deliberations are slow. -- Why then should we distrust them? -- and, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures, which may cast a shade over that glory which, has been so justly acquired; and tarnish the reputation of an Army which is celebrated thro' all Europe, for its fortitude and Patriotism? -- and for what is this done? -- to bring the object we seek for nearer? -- No! -- most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. --

For myself (and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity & Justice) -- a grateful sence of the confidence you have ever placed in me -- a recollection of the chearful assistance, & prompt obedience I have experienced from you, under every vicisitude of Fortune, -- and the sincere I feel for an Army, I have so long had the honor to Command, will oblige me to declare, in this public & solemn manner, that, in the attainment of compleat justice for all your toils & dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe my Country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost of my abilities.

While I give you these assurances, and pledge my self in the most unequivocal manner, to exert whatever ability I am possessed of, in your favor -- let me entreat you, Gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity, & sully the glory you have hitherto maintained -- let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your Country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress; that, previous to your dissolution as an Army they will cause all your Accts. To be fairly liquidated, as directed in their resolutions, which were published to you two days ago -- and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power, to render ample justice to you, for your faithful and meritorious Services. -- And let me conjure you, in the name of our common Country -- as you value your own sacred honor -- as you respect the rights of humanity; as you regard the Military & National character of America, to express your utmost horror & detestation of the Man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our Country, & who wickedly attempts to open the flood Gates of Civil discord, & deluge our rising Empire in Blood. --

By thus determining -- & thus acting, you will pursue the plain & direct road to the attainment of your wishes. -- You will defeat the insidious designs of our Enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret Artifice. -- You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism & patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; -- And you will, by the dignity of your Conduct, afford occasion for Posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to Mankind, "had this day been wanting, the World has never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining".

G: Washington

Address to Officers.

Farwell Address to the Armies
of the United States

Rock Hill, near Princeton, November 2, 1783.

The United States in congress assembled after giving the most honorable testimony to the merits of the federal Armies, and presenting them with the thanks of their Country for their long, eminent, and faithful services, having thought proper by their proclamation bearing date the 18^th. day of October last to discharge such part of the Troops as were engaged for the war, and permit the Officers on furlough to retire from service from and after to-morrow; which proclamation having been communicated in the publick papers for the information and government of all concerned; it only remains for the Comdr in Chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the Armies of the U States (however widely dispersed the individuals who compose them may be) and bid them an affectionate, a long farewell.

But before the Comdr in Chief takes his final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight review of the past. He will then take the liberty of exploring, with his military friends, their future prospects, of advising the general line of conduct, which in his opinion, ought to be pursued, and he will conclude the Address by expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced from them in the performance of an arduous Office.

A contemplation of the compleat attainment (at a period earlier than could have been expected) of the object for which we contended against so formidable a power cannot but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble condition were such, as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverance of the Armies of the U States, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement for the space of eight long years, was short of a standing miracle.

It is not the meaning nor within the compass of this address to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to out service, or to describe the distresses, which in several instances have resulted from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigours of an inclement season; nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. Every American Officer and Soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances which may have occurred by a recollection of the uncommon scenes in which have seldom if ever before taken place on the stage of human action, nor can they probable ever happen again. For who has before seen a disciplined Army form’d at once from such raw materials? Who, that was not a witness, could imagine that the most violent local prejudices would cease so soon, and the Men who came from the different parts of the Continent, strongly disposed, by the habits of education, to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one patriotic band of Brothers, or who, that was not on the spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils?

It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceeds the power of description. And shall not the brave men, who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of War to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which have been obtained; in such a republic, who will exclude them from the rights of Citizens and the fruits of their labour. In such a Country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy Soldiers, who are actuated by the spirit of adventure the Fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment, and the extensive and fertile regions of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond of domestic enjoyments are seeking for personal independence. Nor is it possible to conceive, that any one of the U States will prefer a national bankruptcy and a dissolution of the union, to a compliance with the requisitions of Congress and the payment of its just debts; so that the Officers and Soldiers may expect considerable assistance in recommencing their civil occupations form the sums due to them form the publick, which must and will most inevitably be paid.

In order to effect this desirable purpose and to remove the prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of any of the good people of the States, it is earnestly recommended to all the Troops that with strong attachments to the Union, they should carry with them into civil society the most conciliating dispositions; and that they should prove themselves not less virtuous and useful as Citizens, than they have been persevering and victorious as Soldiers. What tho, there should be some envious individuals who are unwilling to pay the debt the public has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit; yet, let such unworthy treatment produce no invective or any instance of intemperate conduct; let it be remembered that the unbiassed voice of the few Citizens of the United States has promised the just reward, and given the merited applause; let it be known and remembered, that the reputation of the federal Armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence; and let a conscientiousness of their achievements and fame still unite the men, who composed them to honourable actions; under the persuasion that the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valour, perseverance, and enterprise were in the Field. Every one may rest assured that much, very much of the future happiness of the Officers and Men will depend upon the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by them when they are mingled with the great body of the community. And, altho the General has so frequently given it as his opinion, in the most public and explicit manner, that, unless the principles of the federal government were properly supported and the powers of the union increased, the honour, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost forever. Yet he cannot help repeating, on this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every Officer and every Soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow Citizens towards effecting these great and valuable purposes on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends.

The Commander in chief conceives little is now wanting to enable the Soldiers to change the military character into that of the citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behaviour which has distinguished, not only the Army under his immediate command, but the different detachments and separate Armies through the course of the war. From their good sense and prudence he anticipates the happiest consequences; and while he congratulated them on the glorious occasion, which renders their services in the field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the strong obligations he feels himself under for the assistance he has received from every Class, and in every instance. He presents his thanks in the most serious and affectionate manner to the General Officers, as well for their counsel on many interesting occasions, as for their Order in promoting the success of the plans he had adopted. To the Commandants of Regiments and Corps, and to the other Officers for their great zeal and attention, in carrying his orders promptly into execution. To the Staff, for their alacrity and exactness in performing the Duties of their several Departments. And to the Non Commissioned Officers and private Soldiers, for their extraordinary patience in suffering, as well as their invincible fortitude in Action. To the various branches of the Army the General takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare professions were in his power, that he were really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself however, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him has been done, and being now to conclude these his last public Orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the Armies he has so long had the honor to Command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of Armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of heaven’s favours, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the devine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others; with these wishes, and this benediction, the Commander in Chief is about to retire from Service. The Curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be closed forever.

Address to Congress on Resigning his Commission

Mr. President: The great events on which my resignation depended having at length taken place; I have now the honor of offering my sincere Congratulations to Congress and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the Service of my Country.

Happy in the confirmation of our Independence and Sovereignty, and pleased with the oppertunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable Nation, I resign with satisfaction the Appointment I accepted with diffidence. A diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which however was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our Cause, the support of the Supreme Power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven.

The Successful termination of the War has verified the most sanguine expectations, and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my Countrymen, encreases with every review of the momentous Contest.

While I repeat my obligations to the Army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place the peculiar Services and distinguished merits of the Gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the War. It was impossible the choice of confidential Officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me Sir, to recommend in particular those, who have continued in Service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of Congress.

I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my Official life, by commending the Interests of our dearest Country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them, to his holy keeping.

Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of Action; and bidding an Affectionate farewell to this August body under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my Commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life.

Annapolis, December 23, 1783.

Read a heartfelt letter written by Lt. Col. Ebenezer Huntington of the Connecticut Line.

Quarters Warren 21st December 1778

 Honored Sir,

For what reason I have so long Neglected to write to you, I know not. I now think it high time, and to inform you that we (the Connecticutt Officers at this post) wait most Anxiously to know, what you will do, in your next Session. For your Conduct, in some measure, will Regulate ours. If you do not, I believe the Greater part of Colonel Webbs Regiment will resign, and I don't know but two thirds of them.

The People of Connecticutt when at this Post, tell us, the Army must be made good, and the Country are all of that Opinion, and yet do nothing. If you mean to do anything, do it soon. Convince us that you have not forgot us, which we have some reason to believe. Almost two Years have Passed, when we have been buoyed up with Promises at Loose Ends, (by the people in General). If you intend to feed us any Longer with Promises, you must at Least, have some formality in passing them. Procrastination is Dangerous, and more so at this time than Usual, we doubt the Willingness of our Countrymen to assist us. You cannot blame us. Our Money gone, our friends few, or none who will Lend money. Indeed we think hard that our Wages are not made at least so good as to Support us. The bare Idea of Fifty Dollars pr Month is nothing, and my Wages is no More, it will Scarcely support me a Week, in addition to the Rations I draw. Notwithstanding the Money is so much Depreciated, almost everyone is lending a helping hand, while the Loss falls almost Entirely on the Army, who serve at fixt Wages, and who ought not to suffer in the Least by the Depreciation of the Currency. You Resolved in your Last Sessions, that the Soldiers family should be Supplied, whether they sent Money or not, but it is not done, nor will it be done. Not a Day Passes my head, but some Soldier with Tears in his Eyes, hands me a letter to read from his Wife Painting forth the Distresses of his family in such strains as these, "I am without bread, and Cannot get any, the Committee will not supply me, my Children will Starve, or if they do not, they must freeze, we have no wood, neither Can we get any. Pray Come home." These Applications Affect me, my Ears are not, neither shall they be shutt to such Complaints. They are Injurious, they wound my feelings, and while I have Tongue or Pen I will busy myself to stir up my Countrymen to act like men, who have all at Stake, and not think to enrich themselves, by the Distresses of their brave Countrymen, in the Field. It hath been Practized too long. Don't drive us to Despair, we are now on the Brink. Depend upon it we cannot put up with such treatment any Longer. Spare yourselves, by Rewarding the brave.

 

Your Affectionate Son,

 Miscellaneous reference material.

The following roster is taken from:

The Record of Connecticut Men In The Military And Naval Service
During The War Of The Revolution, 1775-1783.

 Col. Sheldon's Light dragoons, 1777 - 83

Receipt for oats issued by Elisha Sheldon, Colonel of the 2nd Regiment of Light Dragoons.

The dragoon (cavalry) regiments of the Revolution were often faced with difficulty in obtaining sufficient forage for their mounts. This receipt for oats was issued by Elisha Sheldon, Colonel of the 2nd Regiment of Light Dragoons, during the winter of 1779. Sheldon, later breveted Brigadier General, would become an actor in one of the most dramatic episodes of the war -- the treason of Benedict Arnold.

Receipts for forage signed by Thomas T. Jackson, Major and Aide-de-Camp to General William Alexander ("Lord Sterling"). Jackson had served as a Lieutenant in the 2nd Regiment of Light Dragoons earlier in the war.

Two receipts regarding forage rations written in the hand of Quartermaster General Timothy Pickering. These documents were executed during the Continental Army's last winter cantonment at New Windsor, NY.

The upper receipt is signed by Major Thomas T. Jackson, Aide-de-Camp to General William Alexander, "Lord Sterling." General Alexander, who commanded the northern army at Albany, had died only 11 days earlier. On January 20th, the army was told of the loss in General Orders, and the General Officers "and such others as think proper" would go into mourning "One Month on the occasion, by wearing a Crape, or weed during that time."

The lower receipt is signed by New Jersey's newly commissioned Brigadier General, Elias Dayton. Just two days later, General Washington would save the Continental Army by delivering his famous "Newburgh Address."

The following chronology of Battles is taken from Francis B. Heitman's:

Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution

April, 1775, to December, 1783.
 

1775 19th April, 1775, Lexington, Mass. 19th April, 1775, Concord, Mass. 5th May, 1775, Martha's Vineyard, Mass. 10th May, 1775, Ticonderoga, N. Y. 12th May, 1775, Crown Point, N. Y. 14th May, 1775, Fort St. John, Canada. 21st May, 1775, Grape Island, Mass. 27th May, 1775, Hogg Island, Mass. 17th June, 1775, Bunker Hill (Breed's Hill), Mass. 17th June, 1775, to 17th March, 1776, Siege of Boston, Mass. 8th July, 1775, Roxbury, Mass. 13th August, 1775, Gloucester, Mass. 29th August, 1775, New York City, Attack on. 18th September, 1775, St. Johns, Canada. 25th September, 1775, Montreal, Canada. 30th September, 1775, Stonington, Conn. 7th October, 1775, Bristol, R. I. 18th October, 1775, Falmouth, Me. 19th October, 1775, Chambly, Canada. 26th October, 1775, Hampton, Va. 3rd November, 1775, St. Johns, Canada. 9th November, 1775, Phipps' Farm, Mass. 12th November, 1775, Montreal, Canada. 14th November, 1775, Kemp's Landing, Va. 19th and 21st November, 1775, Ninety-Six, S. C. 8th to 31st, 1775, Siege of Quebec, Canada. 9th December, 1775, Great Bridge, Va. 22nd December, 1775, Cane Brake, S. C. 31st December, 1775, Quebec, Canada. 1776 1st January, 1776, Norfolk, Va. 8th January, 1776, Charlestown, Mass. 14th February, 1776, Dorchester Neck, Mass. 27th February, 1776, Moore's Creek Bridge, N. C. 4th March, 1776, Yamcrow Bluff, S. C. 7th March, 1776, Boston, Mass., evacuated by the British. 7th March, 1776, Hutchinson's Island, Ga. 8th March, 1776, Nook's Hill, Mass. 6th May, 1776, Plains of Abraham, Canada. 19th May, 1776, The Cedars, Canada. 26th May, 1776, Vandreuil, Canada. 8th June, 1776, Three Rivers, Canada. 16th June, 1776, Chambly, Canada. 24th June, 1776, Isle aux Noix, Canada. 28th to 29th June, 1776, Fort Sullivan (Sullivan's Island), S. C. 8th to 10th July, 1776, Gwyn's Island, Chesapeake Bay. 15th July, 1776, Rayborn Creek, S. C. 24th July, 1776, Sorrel River, Canada. 1st August, 1776, Oconore, S. C. 1st August, 1776, Essenecca Town, S. C. 11th August, 1776, Tomassy, S. C. 22nd to 23rd August, 1776, Flatbush, Long Island. 26th August, 1776, Valley Grove, Long Island. 27th August, 1776, Long Island (Bushwick or Brooklyn), N. Y. 28th August, 1776, Jamaica (Brookland), Long Island. 15th September, 1776, New York City occupied by the British. 16th September, 1776, Harlem Plains, N. Y. 24th September, 1776, Montressor's Island, N. Y. 11th October, 1776, Valcour Island, N. Y. 12th October, 1776, Harlem Heights (Throg's Neck), N. Y. 13th October, 1776, Lake Champlain. 14th October, 1776, Crown Point, N. Y. 18th October, 1776, Pelham Manor (New Rochell), N. Y. 21st October, 1776, Mamaroneck, N. Y. 28th October, 1776, White Plains, N. Y. 8th November, 1776, Mt. Washington, N. Y. 16th November, 1776, Fort Washington, N. Y. 16th November, 1776, Fort Tryon, N. Y. 16th November, 1776, Fort George, N. Y. 16th November, 1776, Harlem Cove (Manhattanville), N. Y. 16th November, 1776, Cock-Hill Fort, N. Y. 18th November, 1776, Fort Lee, N. J. 20th November, 1776, Fort Cumberland, Nova Scotia. 1st December, 1776, Brunswick, N. J. 7th December, 1776, Tappan, N. Y. 17th December, 1776, Springfield, N. J. 26th December, 1776, Trenton, N. J. 1777 2nd January, 1777, Assumpsick Bridge, Trenton, N. J. 3rd January, 1777, Princeton, N. J. 10th January, 1777, Fogland Ferry, R. I. 17th January, 1777, King's Bridge, N. Y. 20th January, 1777, Somerset Court House (Millstone), N. J. 25th January, 1777, West Farms, N. Y. 29th January, 1777, Augusta, Ga. 2nd to 4th February, 1777, Fort McIntosh, Ga. 8th March, 1777, Amboy (Punk Hill), N. J. 16th March, Ward's House (West Chester County), N. Y. 22nd March, 1777, Peekskill, N. Y. 24th March, 1777, Highlands, N. Y. 13th April, 1777, Boundbrook, N. J. 19th April, 1777, Woodbridge, N. J. 25th to 27th April, Danbury Raid, Conn. 27th April, 1777, Ridgefield, Conn. 28th April, 1777, Compo Hill, Conn. 8th May, 1777, Piscataway, N. J. 18th May, 1777, Amelia Island, Fl. 23rd May, 1777, Sag Harbor, N. Y. 16th June, 1777, Crown Point, N. Y. 17th June, 1777, Millstone, N. J. 26th June, 1777, Short Hills, N. J. 6th July, 1777, Crown Point, N. Y., evacuated by United States Troops. 7th July, 1777, Hubbardton, Vt. 7th July, 1777, Skenesboro, N. Y. 8th July, 1777. Fort Anne, N. Y. 2nd August, 1777, Moses Kill, N. Y. 2nd August, 1777, Dutch Island, R. I. 4th to 22nd August, 1777, Fort Schuyler (Fort Stanwix), N. Y. 6th August, 1777, Oriskany, N. Y. 16th August, 1777, Bennington, Vt. 21st to 22nd August, 1777, Staten Island, N. Y. 1st September, 1777, Fort Henry (Wheeling), Va. 3rd September, 1777, Iron Hill, De. 11th September, 1777, Chadd's Ford, Pa. 11th September, 1777, Brandywine, Pa. 18th September, 1777, Lake George, N. Y. 19th September, 1777, Bemis Heights, N. Y. 19th September, 1777, Stillwater (Freeman's Farm), N. Y. 20th September, 1777, Paoli, Pa. 23rd September, 1777, Diamond Island, N. Y. 26th September, 1777, Philadelphia, Pa., occupied by the British. 4th October, 1777, Germantown, Pa. 6th October, 1777, Forts Clinton and Montgomery, N. Y. 7th October, 1777, Stillwater, N. Y. 7th to 17th October, 1777, Saratoga, N. Y. 13th October, 1777, Esopus, N. Y. 13th October, 1777, Kingston, N. Y. 17th October, 1777, Saratoga, N. Y., Surrender of General Burgoyne. 22nd October, 1777, Fort Mercer (Red Bank), N. J. 23rd October, 1777, Fort Mifflin, Pa. 10th to 15th November, 1777, Fort Mifflin, Pa. 5th to 8th December, 1777, Whitemarsh, Pa. 6th December, 1777, Chestnut Hill, Pa. 7th December, 1777, Edge Hill, Pa. 10th December, 1777, Long Island, N. Y. 11th December, 1777, Gulph's Mills, Pa. 1778 18th March, 1778, Quintan's Bridge, N. J. 21st March, 1778, Hancock's Bridge, N. J. 17th April, 1778, Bristol, Pa. 1st May, 1778, Crooked Billet, Pa. 8th May, 1778, Bordentown, N. J. 20th May, 1778, Barren Hill, Pa. 31st May, 1778, Tiverton, R. I. 1st June, 1778, Cobbleskill, N. Y. 18th June, 1778, Philadelphia, Pa., evacuated by the British. 28th June, 1778, Monmouth (Freehold Court House), N. J. 1st to 4th July, 1778, Wyoming, Pa. 5th July, 1778, Vincennes, In. 29th August, 1778, Quaker Hill (Butts Hill or Rhode Island), R. I. 31st August, 1778, Indian Field and Bridge, N. Y. 16th September, 1778, West Chester, N. Y. 26th to 28th September, 1778, Fort Henry (Wheeling), Va. 28th September, 1778, Tappan, N. Y. 6th October, 1778, Chestnut Creek, N. J. 15th October, 1778, Mincock Island (Egg Harbor), N. J. 10th November, 1778, Cherry Valley, N. Y. 19th November, 1778, Spencer's Hill (Bulltown Swamp), Ga. 24th November, 1778, Medway Church, Ga. 17th December, 1778, Vincennes, In. 25th December, 1778, Young's House, N. Y. 29th December, 1778, Savannah (Brewton Hill), Ga. 1779 9th January, 1779, Fort Morris (Sunbury), Ga. 29th January, 1779, Augusta, Ga., occupied by the British. 3rd February, 1779, Port Royal Island, S. C. 3rd February, 1779, Beaufort, S. C. 10th Februaryt, 1779, Car's Fort, Ga. 14th February, 1779, Kettle Creek, Ga. 14th February, 1779, Cherokee Ford, S. C. 23rd February, 1779, Vincennes, In. 26th February, 1779, Horseneck, Conn. 3rd March, 1779, Brier Creek, Ga. 26th March, 1779, West Greenwich, Conn. 20th April, 1779, Onondaga Castle, N. Y. 27th April, 1779, Middletown, N. J. 9th May, 1779, Fort Nelson, (Norfolk), Va. 11th May, 1779, Charleston Neck, S. C. 11th to 13th May, 1779, Coosawhatchie, S. C. 1st June, 1779, Stony Point, Verplanck's Point (Fayette), N. Y. 19th June, 1779, Greenwich, Conn. 20th June, 1779, Stono Ferry, S. C. 28th June, 1779, Hickory Hill, Ga. 2nd July, 1779, Poundridge, N. Y. 2nd July, 1779, Bedford, N. Y. 5th July, 1779, New Haven, Conn. 8th July, 1779, Fairfield, Conn. 12th July, 1779, Norwalk, Conn. 16th July, 1779, Stony Point, N. Y. 18th July, 1779, Jersey City, N. J. 22nd July, 1779, Minisink, N. Y. 5th August, 1779, Morrisania, N. Y. 19th August, 1779, Paulus Hook (Weehawken), N. J. 29th August, 1779, Newtown, Chemung (Elmira), N. Y. 30th August, 1779, Tarrytown, N. Y. 5th September, 1779, Lloyd's Neck, N. Y. 14th September, 1779, Geneseo, N. Y. 23rd September to 19th October, 1779, Siege of Savannah, Ga. 19th October, 1779, Savannah, Ga. 26th October, 1779, Brunswick, N. J. 7th November, 1779, Jefferd's Neck, N. Y.

1780 18th January, 1780, Eastchester, N. Y. 25th Janaury, 1780, Elizabethtown, N. J. 25th January, 1780, Newark, N. J. 3rd February, 1780, Young's House (Four Corners), N. Y. 8th March, 1780, Salkahatchie, S. C. 23rd March, 1780, Pon Pon, S. C. 27th March, 1780, Rentowl, S. C. 29th March to 12th May, 1780, Siege of Charleston, S. C. 14th April, 1780, Monk's Corner (Biggins' Bridge) S. C. 15th April, 1780, New Bridge, N. J. 16th April, 1780, Paramus, N. J. 24th April, 1780, Sortie from Charleston, S. C. 6th May, 1780, Lanneau's Ferry, S. C. 7th May, 1780, Fort Moultrie, S. C. 8th May, 1780, Sullivan's Island, S. C. 12th May, 1780, Surrender of Charleston, S. C. 18th May, 1780, Le Nud's Ferry, S. C. 22nd May, 1780, Caughnawaga, N. Y. 22nd May, 1780, Johnstown, N. Y. 29th May, 1780, Waxhaws, S. C. 29th May, 1780, Buford's Massacre, S. C. 6th June, 1780, Elizabethtown, N. J. 7th to 23rd June, 1780, Connecticut Farms, N. J. 20th June, 1780, Ramsour's Mills, N. C. 23rd June, 1780, Springfield, N. J. 12th July, 1780, Williamson's Plantation (Brattenville), S. C. 12th July, 1780, Stallian's, S. C. 12th July, 1780, Brandon's Camp, S. C. 13th July, 1780, Cedar Springs, N. C. 13th July, 1780, Cherokee Indian Town, S. C. 14th July, 1780, Pacolett River, N. C. 15th July, 1780, Earle's Ford, N. C. 15th and 16th July, 1780, McDonnell's Camp, S. C. 19th July, 1780, Block House, Tom's River (Bergen), N. J. 21st July, 1780, Bull's Ferry, N. J. 30th July, 1780, Rocky Mount, S. C. 30th July, 1780, Fort Anderson (Thickety Fort), S. C. 1st August, 1780, Hunt's Bluff, S. C. 1st August, 1780, Green Springs, S. C. 2nd August, 1780, Mohawk Valley (Fort Plain), N. Y. 6th August, 1780, Hanging Rock, S. C. 8th August, 1780, Wofford's Iron Works (Cedar Springs), S. C. 8th August, 1780, Old Iron Works, S. C. 15th August, 1780, Fort of the Wateree, S. C. 16th August, 1780, Camden, S. C. 16th August, 1780, Gum Swamp, S. C. 18th August, 1780, Musgrove's Mills, S. C. 18th August, 1780, Fishing Creek, S. C. 18th August, 1780, Catawba Ford, S. C. 20th August, 1780, Great Savannah (Nelson's Ferry), S. C. 27th August, 1780, Kingstree, S. C. 4th September, 1780, Tarcote, S. C. 12th September, 1780, Cane Creek, N. C. 14th to 18th September, 1780, Forts Grierson and Corwallis (Augusta), Ga. 14th September, 1780, Black Mingo, S. C. 15th September, 1780, White House, Ga. 21st September, 1780, Wahab's Plantation, N. C. 26th September, 1780, Charlotte, N. C. 7th October, 1780, King's Mountain, S. C. 11th October, 1780, Fort George, N. Y. 15th October, 1780, Middleburg, N. Y. 17th October, 1780, Schoharie, N. Y. 19th October, 1780, Fort Keyser (Palatine or Stone Arabia), N. Y. 21st October, 1780, Klock's Field, N. Y. 23rd October, 1780, Kanassoraga, N. Y. 25th October, 1780, Black River (Tarcote Swamp), S. C. 29th October, 1780, German Flats, N. Y. 9th November, 1780, Fish Dam Ford (Broad River), S. C. 12th November, 1780, Broad river, S. C. 20th November, 1780, Blackstock's Plantation (Tyger River), S. C. 21st November, 1780, Coram (Fort George), Long Island. 23rd November, 1780, Fort St. George (Smith's Point), Long Island. 4th December, 1780, Rugley's Mills, S. C. 9th December, 1780, Horseneck, Conn. 31st December, 1780, Williamson's Plantation, S. C. 1781 5th January, 1781, Richmond, Va. 8th January, 1781, Charles City Courthouse, Va. 17th January, 1781, Cowpens, S. C. 22nd January, 1781, Morrisania, N. Y. 24th January, 1781, Georgetown, S. C. 1st February, 1781, Wilmington, N. C. 1st February, 1781, Cowan's ford, N. C. 1st February, 1781, Torrence's Tavern, N. C. 6th February, 1781, Shallow Ford, N. C. 12th February, 1781, Bruce's Cross Roads, N. C. 25th February, 1781, Haw River (Pyle's Defeat), N. C. 27th February, 1781, Wright's Bluff, S. C. 2nd March, 1781, Clapp's Mill, N. C. 6th March, 1781, Wetzell's or Whitsall's Mills, N. C. 6th March, 1781, Wiboo Swamp, S. C. 15th March, 1781, Guiford, N. C. 21st March, 1781, Beattie's Mill, S. C. --- April, 1781, Wiggin's Hill, Ga. 7th April, 1781, Four Holes, S. C. 12th April, 1781, Fort Balfour, S. C. 15th to 23rd April, 1781, Fort Watson, S. C. 15th April, 1781, Four Holes, S. C. 16th April to 5th June, 1781, Augusta, Ga. 25th April, 1781, Hobkirk's Hill, S. C. 25th April, 1781, Hillsborough, N. C. 25th April, 1781, Petersburg, Va. 25th April, 1781, Camden, S. C. 27th April, 1781, Osborne's, Va. 10th May, 1781, Camden, S. C. 11th May, 1781, Orangeburg, S. C. 12th May, 1781, Fort Motte, S. C. 14th May, 1781, Croton River, N. Y. 14th May, 1781, Nelson's Ferry, S. C. 15th May, 1781, Fort Granby, S. C. 21st May, 1781, Silver Bluff, S. C. 21st May, 1781, Fort Galphin (Fort Dreadnought), Ga. 22nd May to 19th June, 1781, Ninety-Six, S. C. 24th May, 1781, Augusta (Fort Cornwallis), Ga. 5th June, 1781, Augusta (Fort Cornwallis), Ga. 26th June, 1781, Rahway Meadow, N. J. 26th June, 1781, Spencer's Tavern, Va. 3rd July, 1781, King's Bridge, N. Y. 6th July, 1781, Jamestown Ford, Va. 6th July, 1781, Green springs, Va. 9th July, 1781, Currytown, N. Y. 15th July , 1781, Tarrytown, N. Y. 17th July, 1781, Quinby's Bridge, S. C. 22nd August, 1781, Warwarsing, N. Y. 30th August, 1781, Parker's Ferry, S. C. 1st September, 1781, West Haven, Conn. 6th September, 1781, New London, Conn. 6th September, 1781, Fort Griswold (Groton Hill), Conn. 8th September, 1781, Eutaw Springs, S. C. 13th September, 1781, Hillsborough, N. C. 13th September, 1781, Lindley's Mill (Can Creek), N. C. 29th September to 19th October, 1781, Yorktown, Va., Siege of. 10th October, 1781, Threadwell's Neck, N. Y. 16th October, 1781, Monck's Corner, N. Y. 19th October, 1781, Yorktown, Va., Surrender of Cornwallis. 24th October, 1781, Johnson Hall (Johnstown), N. Y. 30th October, 1781, Jerseyfield (West Canada Creek), N. Y. 9th November, 1781, Hayes' Station, S. C. 1st December, 1781, Dorchester, S. C. 29th December, 1781, Dorchester, S. C. 1782 14th February, 1782, Wambaw Creek, S. C. 4th March, 1782, Morrisania, N. Y. 24th April, 1782, Dorchester, S. C. 21st May, 1782, Ogechee Road, near Savannah, Ga. 24th May, 1782, near Sharon, Ga. 4th June, 1782, Sandusky, Oh. 23rd June, 1782, Ebenezer, Ga. 11th July, 1782, Savannah, Ga., evacuated by the British. --- July, 1782, James Island, S. C. 19th August, 1782, Blue Licks, Ky. 27th August, 1782, Combahee Ferry, S. C. 4th November, 1782, John's Island, S. C. 30th November, 1782, Independence of the United States acknowledged by Great Britian. 14th December, 1782, Charleston, S. C., evacuated by the British. 1783 3rd September, 1783, Treaty of Paris concluded. 26th November, 1783, British troops withdrawn from N. Y.

Aides-de-Camp and Military Secretaries to
GENERAL WASHINGTON

Baylies, Hodijah, A.D.C., 13 May, 1782, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Baylor, George, A.D.C., 15^th August, 1775, to 9^th January, 1777.

Carey, Richard, A.D.C., 21^st June, 1776 to ------?

Cobb, David, A.D.C., 15^th June, 1781, to 1^st January, 1783.

Fitzgerald, John, A.D.C., November, 1776, to 6^th July, 1778.

Fitzhugh, Peregrine, A.D.C., 2^nd July, 1781, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Grayson, William, Assistant Secretary, 21^st June, 1776, A.D.C. 24^th August, 1776, to 11^th January, 1777.

Hamilton, Alexander, A.D.C., 1^st March, 1777, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Hanson, Alexander C., Assistant Secretary, 21^st June, 1776 to ------?

Harrison, Robert H., A.D.C., 5^th November, 1775, to 16^th May, 1776, and Secretary, 16^th May, 1776, to 25^th March, 1781.

Humphreys, David, A.D.C., 23^rd June, 1780, to 1^st April, 1783.

Johnson, George, A.D.C., 20^th January, 1777, to 15^th August, 1777.

Laurens, John, A.D.C., 6^th September, 1777, to 27^th August, 1782.

McHenry, James, Assistant Secretary, 15h May, 1778, to 30^th October, 1780.

Meade, Richard K., A.D.C., 12^th March, 1777, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Mifflin, Thomas, A.D.C., 4^th July, 1775, to 14^th August, 1775.

Moylan, Stephen, A.D.C., 5^th March, 1776, to 5^th June, 1776.

Palfrey, William, A.D.C., 6^th March, 1776, to 27^th April, 1776.

Randolph, Edmund, A.D.C., 15^th August, 1775, to 25^th March, 1776.

Reed, Joseph, Secretary, 4^th July, 1775, to 16^th May, 1776.

Smith, William S., A.D.C., 6^th July, 1781, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Thornton, Presley P., A.D.C., 6^th September, 1777, to ------?

Tilghman, Tench, Volunteer Secretary and Acting A.D.C., 8^th August, 1776, to 21^st June, 1780, and A.D.C., 21^st June, 1780, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Trumbull, Jonathan, A.D.C., 21^st July, 1775, to 15^th August, 1775.

Trumbull, Jonathan, Jr., Secretary, 8^th June, 1781, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Varick, Richard, Private Secretary, 25^th May, 1781, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Walker, Benjamin, A.D.C., 25^th January, 1782, to 23^rd December, 1783.

Walker, John, A.D.C., 17^th February, 1777, to 22^nd December, 1777.

Webb, Samuel B., A.D.C., 21^st June, 1776, to 1^st January, 1777.

 The Revolutionary War in Northeastern Pennsylvania.

The "Wyoming Valley Massacre." On July 3, 1778, a force of well over 1,000 Rangers and Indian warriors, led by Major John Butler, descended the Susquehanna River and attacked the settlements of the Wyoming Valley. After a brave decision to face the invading army, tragedy struck - leaving over 300 settlers dead on the field. Read the account of this tragic event which appeared in "The Boston Gazette and Country Journal" of August 3, 1778, exactly one month after it occurred.

Major General John Sullivan's expedition against the Iroquois, 1799

The demoralizing effect of recurrent Indian raids on the settler in western New York and the valley of the Susquehanna led to vigorous retaliatory measures in the summer of 1779. Acting under orders of Congress, Washington directed Daniel Brodhead to march from Fort Pitt up the Allegheny River, while a larger expedition under Sullivan ascended the Susquehanna and Wyoming valleys. Their instructions were to destroy all Indian villages and crops belonging to the Six Nations, to engage the Indian and Tory marauders under Brandt and Butler whenever possible, and to drive them so far west that future raids would be impossible. These operations consumed three months, during which the main army remained for the most part inactive near the Hudson above New York, waiting for Clinton to make the next move. In the South Lincoln, with the support of D'Estaing's fleet, laid siege to Savannah, but failed to rout the British from the city.

LT. COL. ADAM HUBLEY.

Captain 1st Pennsylvania Battalion 27th October, 1775; Major 10th Pennsylvania, 6th December, 1776; transferred to Hartley's Continental Regiment, 12th January, 1777; Lieutenant-Colonel 10th Pennsylvania, 12th March, 1777, to rank from 4th October, 1776; Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant 11th Pennsylvania, 13th February, 1779; retired 17th January, 1781. (Appointed one of the auctioneers of Philadelphia, and died there of yellow fever in May, 1793.)

JOURNAL.

General Orders.

Head Quarters, Easton, May 24, A.D., 1779.

When the army shall be fully assembled the following arrangements are to take place:--

Light corps, commanded by Gen. Hand, to consist of - Armandt's, Hubley's, Shott's, 6 companies of Rangers, Wm. Butler's battalion, Morgan's corps, and all volunteers who may join the army.

Maxwell's brigade consists of - Dayton, Shreeve, Ogden, Spencer, forming the right of the first line.

Poor's brigade consists of - Cilley, Reed, Scammel, Courtland, and form the left of the first line. Livingston, Dubois, Gainsworth, Olden, and form second line or reserve.

The right of the first line to be covered by 100 men, draughted from Maxwell's brigade, the left to be covered by 100 men detached from Poor's brigade, each flank of the second line to be covered by 50 men detached from Clinton's brigade, the flanking division on the right to consist of Hubley's regiment, and a draught from the line of 100 men, the flanking division on the left to consist of the German battalion, and 100 draughted men from the line.

Order of March.

The light corps will advance by the right of companies in files, and keep at least one mile in front, Maxwell's brigade will advance by its right in files, sections, or platoons, as the country will admit. Poor's brigade will advance by its left in the same manner. Clinton's brigade will advance by the right of regiment, in platoons, files, or sections, as the country will admit. All the covering parties and flanking divisions on the right will advance by their left; those on the left of the army will advance by their right. The artillery and pack horses are to march in the centre.

Should the army be attacked in front while on its march, the light corps will immediately form to repulse the enemy, the flanking divisions will endeavor to gain the flanks and rear of the enemy. While the line is forming the pack horses will, in all cases, fall into the position on the annexed plan. Should the enemy attack on either flank, the flanking division will form a front, and sustain the attack till reinforced - in which case part of the light corps is to be immediately detached to gain the enemies flank and rear, the covering parties of the 2^nd line to move to gain the other flank. Should the enemy attack our rear, the 2^nd line will face and form a front to the enemy, the covering parties of the first line will move to sustain it, while the flanking division face about and endeavor to gain their flank and rear. Should the light troops be driven back, they will pass through the intervals of the main army, and form in the rear. Should the enemy in an engagement with the army, when formed, endeavor either flank, the covering party will move up to lengthen the line, and so much as may be found necessary from the flanking division will display outwards to prevent the attempt from succeeding. The light corps will have their advance and flank guards at a good distance from their main body. The flanking division will furnish flank guards, and the 2^nd line a rear guard for the main army.

When we find that the light corps are engaged in front, the front of the pack horses halt, and the rear close up, while the columns move in a proper distance, close and display, which will bring the horses in the position they are on the plan for the order of battle. Should the attack be made on either, in flank or in rear, the horses must be kept in the position they are at the commencement of the attack, unless other orders are then given.

[The trees painted by the Indians, between Owego and Chokunut, on the head waters of the Susquehanna, with their characters.]

Wyoming, July 30th, 1779. - Wyoming is situated on the east side of the east branch of the Susquehanna, the town consisting of about seventy houses, chiefly log buildings; besides these buildings there are sundry larger ones which were erected by the army for the purpose of receiving stores, &c., a large bake and smoke houses.

There is likewise a small fort erected in the town, with a strong abatta around it, and a small redoubt to shelter the inhabitants in cases of an alarm. This fort is garrisoned by 100 men, draughted from the western army, and put under the command of Col. Zeb'n Butler. I cannot omit taking notice of the poor inhabitants of the town; two-thirds of them are widows and orphans, who, by the vile hands of the savages, have not only deprived some of the tender husbands, some of indulgent parents, and others of affectionate friends and acquaintances, besides robbed and plundered of all their furniture and clothing. In short, they are left totally dependent on the public, and are become absolute objects of charity.

The situation of this place is elegant and delightful. It composes an extensive valley, bounded both on the east and west side of the river by large chains of mountains. The valley, a mere garden, of an excellent rich soil, abounding with large timber of all kinds, and through the center the east branch of the Susquehanna.

Wyoming, July 31st, 1779. - Agreeable to orders, marched the western army under the command of Major General Sullivan, in the following order, from this place to Tioga.

The army being composed of the following regiments and brigades in following manner, viz.:--

Gen. Hand's brigade, Hubley/German, Regiments, Shott/Spaulding, Independent Corps. - Compose Light Corps.

Gen. Maxwell's brigade, Dayton, Shreeve, Ogden, Spencer. - From main body.

Gen. Poor's brigade, Cilley, Reed, Scammel, Courtland. - From main body.

Took up the line of march about one o'clock, P.M., viz.: light corps advanced in front of main body about a mile; vanguard, consisting of twenty-four men, under command of a subaltern, and Poor's brigade, (main body,) followed by pack horses and cattle, after which one complete regiment, taken alternately from Maxwell's and Poor's brigade, (composed the rear guard.)

Observed the country to be much broken and mountainous, wood chiefly low, and composed of pine only. I was struck on this day's march with the ruins of many houses, chiefly built of logs, and uninhabited; though poor, yet happy in their situation, until that horrid engagement, when the British tyrant let loose upon them his emissaries, the savages of the wood, who not only destroyed and laid waste those cottages, but in cool blood massacred and cut off the inhabitants, not even sparing gray locks or helpless infancy.

About 4 o'clock, P.M., arrived at a most beautiful plain, covered with an abundance of grass, soil excessively rich, through which run a delightful stream of water, known by the name of Lackawanna; crossed the same, and encamped about one mile on the northern side of it, advanced about one half mile in front of main body: after night fell in with rain - continued until morning.

Distance of march this day, 10 miles.

Sunday, August 1st. - Continued at Lackawanna waiting for the fleet, which, by reason of considerable rapids, was detained until nearly 12 o'clock this day before the van could possibly cross there. In getting through, lost two boats, chief of their cargoes were saved. About 2 o'clock, P.M., the whole arrived opposite our encampment, in consequence of which received orders for a march, struck tents accordingly, and moved about 2 o'clock, P.M. About one mile from the encampment, entered the narrows on the river, first detachment and left column under the command of Capt. Burk, to koin the right column of light corps, and cross the mountain, which was almost inaccessible, in order to cover the army from falling in an ambuscade. Whilst passing through the defile found passage through exceedingly difficult and troublesome, owing to the badness of the path; we passed by a most beautiful cataract called the Spring Falls. To attempt a description of it would be almost presumption. Let this short account thereof suffice. The first or upper fall thereof is nearly ninety feet perpendicular, pouring from a solid rock, uttering forth a most beautiful echo, and is received by a cleft of rocks considerably more projected than the former, from whence it rolls gradually and empties into the Susquehanna. Light corps passed and got through the defile about 6 o'clock, P.M.; arrived about dusk at a place called Quilutimunk, and encamped one mile in front of the place, occupied that night by the main army.

The main army, on account of the difficult passage, marched nearly all night before they reached their encamping ground. Great quantities of baggage being dropped and left lying that night obliged us to continue on this ground. All the preceding day numbers of our pack horses were sent back and employed in bringing on the scattered stores, &c.; distance of march this day about 7 miles: fine clear evening. Quilutimunk is a spot of ground situate on the river; fine, open and clear; quantity, about 1200 acres; soil very rich, timber fine, grass in abundance, and contains several exceedingly fine springs.

Monday, August 2d. - In consequence of the difficult and tedious march the preceding day, the army received orders to continue on the ground this day, in the meantime to provide themselves with five days provision, and getting every other matter in perfect readiness for a march next morning at 6 o'clock. Nothing material happened during our stay on this ground.

Wednesday, 3d. (sic) - Agreeable to orders took up the line of march at 6 o'clock, A.M. Took the mountains after we assembled - found them exceedingly level for at least six miles. Land tolerable, the timber, viz., pine and white oak, chiefly large. About three miles from Quilutimunk we crossed near another cataract, which descended the mountain in three successive falls, the least of which is equal if not superior to the one already described. Although it is not quite so high, it is much wider, and likewise empties into the Susquehanna, seemingly white as milk. They are commonly known by the name of Buttermilk Falls.

About 12 o'clock we descended the mountains near the river; marched about one mile on flat piece of ground, and arrived at Tunkhannunk, a beautiful stream of water so called, which empties into the Susquehanna; crossed the same, and encamped on the river about 1 o'clock, P.M. Nothing material happened this day excepting a discovery of two Indians by the party on the west side of the river. Indians finding themselves rather near the party were obliged to leave their canoe, and make through the mountains. Party took possession of the canoe, and brought it to their encamping place, for that evening immediately opposite the main army. Distance of march this day, 12 miles.

Wednesday 4th. - The army was in motion 5 o'clock, A.M., and moved up the river for three miles, chiefly on the beach, close under an almost inaccessible mountain. We then ascended the same with the greatest difficulty, and continued on it for near seven miles. A considerable distance from the river the path along the mountain was exceedingly rough, and carried through several very considerable swamps, in which were large morasses. The land in general thin and broken, abounds in wild deer and other game. We then descended the mountain, and at the foot of it crossed a small creek called Massasppi, immediately where it empties into the river. We then continued up the same until we made Vanderlip's farm, discovered several old Indian encampments; one of them appeared to have been very large.

The land, after crossing Massasppi, was exceedingly fine and rich, the soil very black and well timbered, chiefly with black walnut, which are remarkably large, some not less than six feet over, and excessively high. It is likewise well calculated for making fine and extensive meadows. The main army took post for this night on Vanderlip's farm, and the infantry advanced about one mile higher up, and encamped about 1 o'clock, P.M., on a place known by the name of Williamson's farm. Distance of march this day, 14 miles; fine clear day, very hot.

Thursday 5th. - In consequence of orders issued last evening to march this morning at 5 o'clock, we struck tents and loaded baggae. But the boats being considerably impeded by the rapidness of the water some miles below our encampment, could not reach us, and we were obliged to halt all night. Did not join us until 9 o''lock, A.M., all which time we were obliged to halt. On their arrival the whole army was put in motion, and as more danger on this day's march was apprehended than any before, the following distribution of the army took place, viz.: The right and left columns of the light corps, conducted by Gen. Hand, moved along the top of a very high mountain; main body of light corps, under Col. Hubley's command, with an advance of twenty-four men, moved on the beach several miles on the edge of the water. The main army, followed by the baggage, &c., flanked on their right by four hundred men, who had likewise to take this mountain. Thus we moved for several miles, then arrived in a small valley called Depue's farm; the land very good. Observed and reconnoitered this ground for some distance, it being the place on which Col. Hartley was attacked by the savages last year, on his return from Tioga to Wyoming. The country being fine and open, some loss was sustained on both sides; the savages at last gave way, and Col. Hartley pursued his route to Wyoming without further molestation. Continued our march for about one mile, and formed a junction with the parties on the right flank, ascended a high mountain, and marched for some miles on the same. Land poor, timber but small, chiefly pine, after which descended the mountain nearly one mile in length, and arrived in a fine and large valley, known by the name of Wyalusing. The main army took post at this place, and the infantry advanced about one mile on front of them, and encamped about 2 o'clock, P.M. Clear but very warm day; distance of march this day, 10 ½ miles.

This valley was formerly called Oldman's farm, occupied by the Indians and white people; together, they had about sixty houses, a considerable Moravian meeting house, and sundry other public buildings; but since the commencement of the present war the whole has been consumed and laid waste, partly by the savages and partly by our own people. The land is extraordinarily calculated chiefly for meadows. The grass at this time is almost beyond description, high and thick, chiefly blue grass, and the soil of the land very rich. The valley contains about 1200 acres of land, bounded on one side by an almost inacessible mountain, and other by the river Susquehanna.

Friday, Aug. 6th. - The boats not arriving before late this day, the army received orders to continue on the ground. In the meantime to be provided with three days provision, get their arms and accoutrements in perfect order, and be in readiness for a march early to-morrow morning. A sub. And twenty-four men from my regiment reconnoitered vicinity of camp; returned in the evening; made no discoveries. Rain all night.

Saturday 7th. - The heavy rain last night and this morning rendered it utterly impossible to march this day; continued on the ground for further orders.

A captain and thirty men from my regiment reconnoitered vicinity of camp; made no discoveries.

This day received a letter (by express) from his Excellency Gen. Washington, dated Head Quarters, at New Windsor.

Sunday, 8th. - The army moved (in same order as on 5^th) this morning at 5 o'clock; crossed Wyalusing creek, and ascended an extensive mountain, the top remarkably level; land poor, and timer small. Arrived about 10 o'clock, A.M., at the north end, and descended the same close on the river side, and continued along the beach for some distance, after which we entered an extensive valley or plain, known by the name of Standing Stone; made a halt here for about half an hour for refreshments. This place derives its name from a large stone standing erect in the river immediately opposite this plain. It is near twenty feet in height, fourteen feet in width, and three feet in depth. This valley abounds in grass, the land exceedingly fine, and produces chiefly white oak, black walnut, and pine timber. After refreshment continued our march along the same valley; land not quite so fine. Arrived about 3 o'clock, P.M., at a small creek called Wesauking; crossed the same, and encamped about one mile beyond it, and immediately on the river.

Four o'clock, P.M. - Since our arrival at this place some of my officers discovered a small Indian encampment, seemingly occupied but a few days since; found near the same a neat canoe, which they brought off. This morning the scout, (of three men,) sent up to Sheshequin some days since, returned without making any discoveries.

General Sullivan, on account of his indisposition, came on in the boat.

Monday, August 9th. - The boats not being able to reach Wesauking, the ground on which light corps encamped preceding evening. The main body in consequence thereof took post and encamped at Standing Stone, about three miles below the light corps encampment, for protection of the boats.

The light corps, on account of their detached situation from the main body the preceding evening, and apprehending some danger, being considerably advanced in the enemy's country, for their greater security, stood under arms from 3 o'clock, A.M., until daylight, where they dismissed, with orders to hold themselves in readiness at a moment's warning. Previous to their dismissal my light infantry was sent out to reconnoitre the vicinity of encampment; returned about 7 o'clock, A.M. - made no discovery.

This morning, 9 o'clock, boats hove in sight, in consequence thereof received orders to strike tents, and be in readiness for a march; main army in the meantime arrived about 10 o'clock; the whole was in motion, marched through a difficult swamp; at north of same crossed a small stream, and ascended a hill; lands poor, and wood but indifferent. About 12 o'clock, P.M., descended the same, and entered a small valley; continued about half a mile, when we ascended a very remarkable high mountain, generally known by the name of Break Neck Hill.

This mountain derives its name from the great height, of the difficult and narrow passage, not more than one foot wide, and remarkable precipice which is immediately perpendicular, and not less than 180 feet deep. One mis-step must inevitably carry you from top to bottom without the least hope or chance of recovery. At north end of same entered a mountainous and beautiful valley called Sheshecununk. General Sullivan, with a number of officers, made a halt here at a most beautiful run of water, took a bite of dinner, and proceeded on along the valley, which very particularly struck my attention. Any quantity of meadow may be made here; abounds with all kinds of wood, particularly white oak, hickory, and black walnut; the ground covered with grass and pea vines; the soil in general very rich. About 4 o'clock, P.M., arrived on the bank of the river; the whole encamped in a line on a most beautiful plain; consists chiefly in meadows, the grass remarkably thick and high. On our arrival here made discoveries of some new Indian tracks, places on which fire had just been, and fresh boughs cut, and appeared as if the place had just been occupied a few hours before our arrival. Distance of march this day, 9 ½ miles.

Tuesday, August 10th.- Set in with rain, and boats not reaching this place before 9 o'clock this morning; army received orders to continue on the ground until further orders. Men drew and cooked two days provisions.

One regiment from each of the brigades attended General Sullivan. The general and field officers of the army whilst they were reconnoitering the river and ground near Tioga branch, about three miles above this place, returned without any discoveries worthy of remark about 4 o'clock, P. M.

Wednesday, August 11th. - Agreeable to orders the army moved this morning at 8 o'clock, A. M., in the usual order. Light corps moved half an hour before the main army, and took post on the banks of the river near the fording place. On the arrival of the main army and boats, Col. Forest drew up his boat at the fording place, and fixed several six pounders on the opposite shore in order to scour the woods and thickets, and prevent any ambuscade from taking place. In the meantime the light corps marched by platoons, linked together, on account of the rapidity of the water, and forded the same, and effected a landing about 9 o'clock; they immediately advanced about one hundred yards from the river, and formed in line of battle, in order to cover the landing of the main army, which was safely effected about 10 o'clock, A. M., after which came on pack horses, cattle, &c., covered by a regiment which composed the rear guard. About half past ten o'clock the whole moved in following order.

Previous to our arrival on the flats we had to pass about one and a half mil through a dark, difficult swamp, which was covered with weeds and considerate underwood, interspersed with large timber, chiefly buttonwood. We then entered the flats near the place on which Queen Esther’s palace stood, and was destroyed by Col. Hartley's detachment last fall. The grass is remarkably thick and high. We continued along the same for about one mile, and arrived at the entrance of Tioga branch into Susquehanna about 1 o'clock; we, crossed the same, and landed on a peninsula of land which extends towards Chemung, and is bounded on the east by Susquehanna, and on the west by Tioga branch, and continued up the same for about two miles and a half and encamped. This peninsula is composed of excellent meadow and upland: grass is plenty, and timber of all kinds, and soil in general good; distance of march this day, three miles. Since our arrival a scout of eight men was ordered up to reconnoitre Chemung, and endeavour to make discoveries of the number of savages, and their situation, if possible.

Thursday, August 12th. - Tioga Plain. This being a plain calculated to cover the western army during the expedition to the northern part of it, a garrison for that purpose is to remain until our return. Sundry works for the security of the same are now erecting about two and a half miles distant from where Tioga branch empties into the Susquehanna, and where the two rivers are about 190 yards distance from each other; those works to extend from river to river.

Captain Cummings with his scout (sent out last evening) returned this day 11 o'clock, A. M.; made several discoveries at Chemung; an Indian village twelve miles distance from this place; in consequence of which a council of war sat, and determined an expedition should immediately take place for the reduction of the same. The army (two regiments excepted received orders to be in readiness for an immediate march. Eight o'clock, P. M., the whole were in motion, and proceeded for Chemung.

August 13th, 1779. - Eight o'clock, P. M., the army having marched last evening in the following order, viz.: Light corps, under command of Gen. Hand, led the van, then followed Gens. Poor and Maxwell's brigades, which formed main body, and corps de reserve, the whole under the immediate command of Maj. Gen. Sullivan. The night being excessively dark, and the want of proper guides, impeded our march, besides which we had several considerable defiles to march through, that we could not possibly reach Chemung till after daylight. The morning being foggy favoured our enterprise. Our pilot, on our arrival, from some disagreeable emotions he felt, could not find the town. We discovered a few huts, which we surrounded, but found them vacated; after about one hour's march we came upon the main town. The following disposition for surprising the same was ordered to take place, viz.: Two regiments, one from the corps, and one from main body, were ordered to cross the river and prevent the enemy from making their escape that way, should they still hold the town. The remainder of the light corps, viz., two independent companies, and my regiment, under command of Hand, were to make the attack on the town. Gen. Poor was immediately to move up and support the light corps. We moved in this order accordingly, but the savages having probably discovered our scouting party the preceding day, defeated our enterprise by evacuating the village previous to our coming, carrying off with them nearly all their furniture and stock, and leaving an empty village only, which fell an easy conquest about 5 o'clock, A. M. The situation of this village was beautiful; it contained fifty or sixty houses, built of logs and frames, and situate on the banks of Tioga branch, and on a most fertile, beautiful, and extensive plain, the lands chiefly calculated for meadows, and the soil rich.

The army continued for some small space in the town. Gen. Hand, in the meantime, advanced my light infantry company, under Capt. Bush, about one mile beyond the village, on a path which leads to a small Indian habitation called Newtown. On Capt. Bush's arrival there he discovered fires burning, an Indian dog, which lay asleep, a number of dear skins, some blankets, &c.; he immediately gave information of his discoveries, in consequence of which the remainder part of the light corps, viz.: the two independent companies, and regiment, under Gen. Hand's command, were ordered to move some miles up the path, and endeavour, if possible, to make some discoveries. We accordingly proceeded on in the following order, viz.: Captain Walker, with twenty-four men, composed the van, the eleventh regiment, under my command, after which the two independent companies, the whole covered on the left by the Tioga branch, and on the right by Capt. Bush’s infantry company of forty men. In this order we moved somewhat better than a mile beyond this place. The first fires were discovered, when our van was fired upon by a party of savages, who lay concealed on a high hill immediately upon our right, and which Capt. Bush had not yet made. We immediately formed a front with my regiment, pushed up the hill with a degree of intrepidity seldom to be met with, and, under a very severe fire from the savages. Capt. Bush, in the meantime, endeavoured to gain the enemy's rear. They, seeing the determined resolution of our troops, retreated and, according to custom, previous to our dislodging them, carried off their wounded and dead, by which means they deprived us from coming to the knowledge of their wounded and dead. The ground on the opposite side of the mountain or ridge, on which the action commenced, being composed of swamp or low ground, covered with underwood, &c., favoured their retreat, and prevented our pursuing them, by which means they got off.

Our loss on this occasion, which totally (excepting two) fell on my regiment, was as follows, viz.: two captains, one adjutant, one guide, and eight privates wounded, and one serjeant, one drummer, and four privates killed. Officers' names: Captain Walker, (slight wound,) Captain Carberry, and Adj. Huston, (I fear mortal.)

After gaining the summit of the hill, and dislodging the enemy, we marched by the right of companies in eight columns, and continued along the same until the arrival of General Sullivan. We then halted for some little time, and then returned to the village, which was instantly laid in ashes, and a party detached to cross the river to destroy the corn, beans, &c., of which there were several very extensive fields, and those articles in the greatest perfection. Whilst the troops were engaged in this business, Gens. Poor and Maxwell's brigades were fired upon, lost one man, killed, and several wounded. The whole business being completed we returned to the ruins of the village, halted some little time, and received orders to return to Tioga Plain, at which place we arrived at 8 o'clock, considerably fatigued. Lest the savages should discover our loss, after leaving the place, I had the dead bodies of my regiment carried along, fixed on horses, and brought to this place for internment. The expedition from the first to last continued twenty-four hours, of which time my regiment was employed, without the least intermission, twenty-three hours; the whole of our march not less than forty miles.

Saturday, August 14th. - This morning 10 o'clock, A. M., had the bodies of those brave veterans, who so nobly distinguished themselves, and bravely fell in the action of yesterday, interred with military honours, (firing excepted.) Parson Rogers delivered a small discourse on the occasion.

Was employed greater part of the day in writing to my friends at Lancaster and Philadelphia, which were forwarded the same evening.

Sunday, 15th. - Ageeable to orders of yesterday, seven hundred men were ordered -to march on the grand parade for inspection, and to be furnished with ammunition and eight days provision, for the purpose of marching up the Susquehanna and meeting General Clinton, who is now on his march to form a junction with this army.

Two o'clock, P. M., a firing was heard on the west side of Tioga branch, immediately opposite our encampment. A number of Indians, under cover of a high mountain, advanced on a large meadow or flat of ground, on which our cattle and horses were grazing. Unfortunately, two men were there to fetch some horses, one of which was killed and scalped, the other slightly wounded, but got clear. One bullock was likewise killed, and several public horses taken off. My regiment was ordered in pursuit of them: we accordingly crossed the branch and ascended the mountain, marched along the summit of the same for upwards of two miles in order to gain their rear but the enemy having too much start, got clear. After scouring the mountains and valleys near the same, we returned, much fatigued, about 5 o'clock, P. M.

Monday, 16th. - The detachment under General Poor's command, agreeable to orders, moved this day, 1 o’clock, P. M., up the Susquehanna for the purpose of forming a junction with Gen. Clinton.

Several of our Continentals alarmed the camp by firing off several guns about 1 o'clock in the morning, in consequence of which light corps stood under arms. Several patrols were sent out to reconnoitre the front of encampment, returned near day-break, but made no discoveries -- alarm proved premature. Gen. Hand, being ordered with the detachment under Gen. Poor, the command of light corps devolved on me during his absence.

Thursday, 17th. - Seven o'clock , P. M., a firing was heard about five hundred yards immediately in front of light corps' encampment. A party of fifty men was immediately detached to endeavour to find out the cause of it; returned at 8 o'clock, P. M.; reported that a party of Indians, eleven in number, had waylaid a few pack horsemen, who were just returning with their horses from pasture; that they had killed and scalped one man, and wounded another; the wounded man got safe to camp, and the corpse of the other was likewise brought in.

An alarm was fired by a continental about 11 o'clock, P. M., but proved false.

Wednesday, 18th. - In order to entrap some of those savages who keep sneaking about the encampment, the following parties ordered out for that purpose, and to be relieved daily by an equal number until we leave this ground, viz.: one subaltern and twenty men on the mountain opposite the encampment; one subaltern and twenty men on the island, about a mile and half above the encampment, on Tioga branch, and one subaltern and twenty men in the woods, about a mile and a half immediately in front of light corps' encampment, with orders to waylay and take every other means to take them.

This day, by particular request of several gentlemen, a discourse was delivered in the Masonic form, by Dr. Rogers, on the death of Captain Davis of the 11th Penn., and Lieutenant Jones of the Delaware regiments, who were, on the 23d of April last, most cruelly and inhumanly massacred and scalped by the savages, emissaries employed by the British king, as they were marching with a detachment for the relief of the garrison at Wyoming.

Those gentlemen were both members of that honourable and ancient Society of Freemen. A number of brethren attended on this occasion in proper form, and the whole was conducted with propriety and harmony. Text preached on this solemn occasion was the first clause in the 7th verse of the 7th chapter of Job, "Remember my life is but wind."

Thursday, 19th. - Nothing remarkable this day.

Friday, 20th. - This day arrived Lieut. Boyd, of Col. Butler's regiment, with accounts of Gen. Clinton's movements on the Susquehanna, and that a junction was formed by him with Gen. Poor's detachment, Chokoanut about thirty-five miles from this place. Rain very heavy chief part of the day.

Saturday, 21st. - The detachments under Gens. Clinton and Poor, on account of the very heavy rain yesterday, did not reach this encampment as was expected.

Sunday, 22d. - This day, 10 o'clock, A. M., Gens. Clinton and Poor's detachments, with about two hundred and twenty boats, passed light corps' encampment for the main army, about one and a half miles in their rear. On their passing, they were saluted with thirteen rounds from the park; the light corps being likewise drawn up, and received them in proper form, with Col. Proctor's music, and drums and fifes beating and playing.

Monday, 23d. - This day a most shocking affair happened, by an accident of a gun, which went off, the ball of which entered a tent in which was Capt. Kimball, of Gen. Poor's brigade, and a lieutenant; the captain was unfortunately killed, and the lieutenant wounded.

Gen. Clinton having formed a junction with the army at this place yesterday, the following alterations in the several brigades were ordered to take place, viz.: Col. Courtland's regiment to be annexed to General Clinton's, Colonel Older to General Poor’s, and Colonel Butler's regiment, with Major Parr's corps, to General Hand's brigade.

Tuesday, 24th. - This day employed hands to make bags for the purpose of carrying flour; hands employed all day and night in this business.

Agreeable to orders a signal gun was fired for the whole army to strike tents, 5 o'clock, P. M., and marched some small distance in order to form the line of march. Seven o'clock, P. M., another signal gun was fired for the army to encamp in proper order, and to be in readiness for an immediate march. Col. Butler’s regiment, with Major Parr's riflemen, joined light corps, and encamped with them this day, 7 o'clock, P. M.

Colonel Shrieve took command of Fort Sullivan this day agreeable to orders. Flying hospital and stores were moved this day to the garrison.

Wednesday, 25th. - This morning was entirely devoted to packing up and getting every thing in readiness for an immediate march. A heavy rain fell at 11 o'clock, continued greater part of the day, which prevented our movements.

Thursday, 26th. - The army not being perfectly ready to march at 8 o'clock, A. M., agreeable to yesterday's orders, the signal gun for a march was not fired until 11 o'clock, when the whole took up the line of march in the following order, namely: Light corps, commanded by General Hand, marched in six columns, the right commanded by Colonel Butler, and the left by myself. Major Parr, with the riflemen, dispersed considerably in front of the whole, with orders to reconnoitre all mountains, defiles, and other suspicious places, previous to the arrival of the army, to prevent any surprise or ambuscade from taking place. The pioneers, under command of a captain, subaltern, then followed after, which preceded the park of artillery; then came on the main army, in two columns, in the centre of which moved the pack horses and cattle, the whole flanked on right and left by the flanking divisions, commanded by Colonel Dubois and Colonel Ogden, and rear brought up by General Clinton's brigade; in this position the whole moved to the upper end of Tioga flats, about three miles above Fort Sullivan, where we encamped for this night.

This day disposed of one of my horses to Mr. Bond, captain, on account of his indisposition, obtained leave to continue either at Fort Sullivan, or go to Wyoming, until the return of the regiment from the expedition.

Friday, August 27th. - On account of some delays this morning army did not move until half past eight o'clock, A. M. Previous to the march the pioneers, under cover of the rifle corps, were advanced to the first and second defile, or narrows, some miles in front of our encampment, where they were employed in mending and cutting a road for the pack to pass. The army marched in same order of yesterday, the country through which they had to pass being exceedingly mountainous and rough, and the slow movements of the pack considerably impeded the march. About 7 o'clock, P. M., we arrived near the last narrows, at the lower end of Chemung, where we encamped in the following order: Light corps near the entrance of the defile or narrows, and in front of some very extensive corn-fields, some refugee Tories, now acting with the favour of the main army, about one mile in our rear, and immediately fronting the corn-fields. After encamping had an agreeable repast of corn, potatoes, beans, cucumbers, watermelons, squashes, and other vegetables, which were in great plenty, (produced) from the corn-fields already mentioned, and in the greatest perfection: distance of march this day, six miles.

Saturday, August 28th. - Fore part of this day being employed by the general and principal officers of the army in reconnoitering the river and finding out some fording place for the artillery, pack horses, and cattle to cross, to gain Chemung, the defile or narrows mentioned in my yesterday's journal being so excessively narrow, and, indeed, almost impracticable for them to pass.

The following disposition for the marching of the army took place accordingly, namely: The rifle corps, with General Maxwell's brigade, and left flanking division of the army, covering the park, pack horses, and cattle, crossed to the west side of the river, and about one and a half mile above recrossed the same, and formed a junction on the lower end of Chemung flats with the light corps, Generals Poor and Clinton's brigades, and right flanking division of the army, who took their route across an almost inaccessible mountain, on the east side of the river, the bottom of which forms the narrows already mentioned. The summit was gained with the greatest difficulty; on the top of the mountain the lands, which are level and extensive, are exceedingly rich with large timber, chiefly oak, interspersed with underwood and excellent grass. The prospect from this mountain is most beautiful; we had a view of the country of at least twenty miles round; the fine, extensive plains, interspersed with streams of water, made the prospect pleasing and elegant from this mountain. We observed, at some considerable distance, a number of clouds of smoke arising, where we concluded the enemy to be encamped.

Previous to the movement of the army this day, a small party of men were sent across the river in order to destroy some few Indian huts, which were immediately opposite our encampment. Before the business was quite effected they were fired upon by a party of Indians, who, after giving, the fire, immediately retreated; the party executed their orders, and all returned unhurt to the army.

The scout sent out last evening to reconnoitre the enemy near Newtown, (an Indian village so called,) returned this day, and reported they discovered a great number of fires, and that they supposed, from the extensive piece of ground covered by the fires, the enemy must be very formidable, and mean to give us battle. They likewise discovered four or five small scouting parties on their way towards this place, it is supposed to reconnoitre our army. Since our arrival here a great quantity of furniture was found by our soldiers which was concealed in the adjacent woods. After forming the junction above mentioned, we took up the line of march, and moved to the upper Chemung town, and encamped about 6 o'clock, P. M., for this night. Distance of march on a straight course, about two miles. From the great quantities of corn and other vegetables here and in the neighbourhood, it is supposed they intended to establish their principal magazine at this place, which seems to be their chief rendezvous, whenever they intend to go to war; it is the key to the Pennsylvania and New York frontier. The corn already destroyed by our army is not less than 5,000 bushels upon a moderate calculation, and the quantity yet in the ground in this neighbourhood is at least the same, besides which there are vast quantities of beans, potatoes, squashes, pumpkins, &c., which shared the fate of the corn.

Saturday, August 29th. - This morning at 9 o’clock the army moved in the same order of the 26th; the riflemen were well scattered in front of the light corps, who moved with the greatest precision and caution. On our arrival near the ridge on which the action of the 13th commenced with light corps, our van discovered several Indians in front, one of whom gave them a fire, and then fled. We continued our march for about one mile; the rifle corps entered a low marshy ground which seemed well calculated for forming ambuscades; they advanced with great precaution, when several more Indians were discovered, who fired and retreated. Major Parr, from those circumstances, judged it rather dangerous to proceed any further without taking every caution to reconnoitre almost every foot of ground, and ordered one of his men to mount a tree and see if he could make any discoveries; after being some time on the tree he discovered the movements of several Indians, (which were rendered conspicuous by the quantity of paint they had on them,) as they were laying behind an extensive breastwork, which extended at least half a mile, and most artfully covered with green boughs, and trees, having their right flank secured by the river, and their left by a mountain. It was situated on a rising ground - about one hundred yards in front of a difficult stream of water, bounded by the marshy ground already mentioned on our side, and on the other, between it and the breast works, by an open and clear field. Major Parr immediately gave intelligence to General Hand of his discoveries, who immediately advanced the light corps within about three hundred yards of the enemy's work’s, and formed in line of battle; the rifle corps, under cover, advanced, and lay under the bank of the creek within one hundred yards of the lines. Gen. Sullivan, having previous notice, arrived with the main army, and ordered the following disposition to take place: The rifle and light corps to continue their position; the left flanking division, under command of Colonel Ogden, to take post on the left flank of the light corps, and General Maxwells brigade, some distance in the rear, as a corps de reserve, and Colonel Proctor's artillery in front of the centre of the light corps, and immediately opposite the breast-work. A heavy fire ensued between the rifle corps and the enemy, but little damage was done on either side. In the meantime, Generals Poor and Clinton's brigades, with the right flanking division, were ordered to march and gain, if possible, the enemy's flank and rear, whilst the rifle and light corps amused them in front. Col. Proctor had orders to be in readiness with his artillery and attack the lines, first allowing a sufficient space of time to Generals Poor, &c., to gain their intended stations. About 3 o'clock, P. M., the artillery began their attack on the enemy's works; the rifle and light corps in the meantime prepared to advance and charge; but the enemy, finding their situation rather precarious, and our troops determined, left and retreated from their works with the greatest precipitation, leaving behind them a number of blankets, gun covers, and kettles, with corn boiling over the fire. Generals Poor, &c., on account of several difficulties which they had to surmount, could not effect their designs, and the enemy probably having intelligence of their approach, posted a number of troops on the top of a mountain, over which they had to advance. On their arrival near the summit of the same, the enemy gave them a fire, and wounded several officers and soldiers. General Poor pushed on and gave them a fire as they retreated, and killed five of the savages. the course of the day we took nine scalps, (all savages,) and two prisoners, who were separately examined, and gave the following corresponding account: that the enemy were seven hundred men strong, viz., five hundred savages, and two hundred Tories, with about twenty British troops, commanded by a Seneca chief, the two Butlers, Brandt, and M’Donald.

The infantry pushed on towards Newtown; the main army halted and encamped near the place of action, near which were several extensive fields of corn and other vegetables. About 6 o'clock, P. M., the infantry returned and encamped near the main army.

The prisoners further informed us that the whole of their party had subsisted on corn only for this fortnight past, and that they had no other provisions with them; and that their next place of rendezvous would be at Catharines town, an Indian village about twenty-five miles from this place.

Distance of march (exclusive of counter-marches) this day, about eight miles.

Monday, August 30th. - On account of the great quantities of corn, beans, potatoes, turnips, and other vegetables, in destroying of which the troops were employed, and the rain which set in the after part of the day, obliged us to continue on the ground for this day and night. The troops were likewise employed in drawing eight days provisions, (commencing 1st day of September.) The reason of drawing this great quantity at one time was, (however inconsistent with that economy which is absolutely necessary in our present situation, considering the extensive campaign before us, and the time of consequence it will require to complete it,) the want of pack horses for transporting the same, and in order to expedite this great point in view, are obliged to substitute our soldiery for carrying the same.

From the great and unparalleled neglect of those persons employed for the purpose of supplying. the western army with everything necessary to enable them to carry through the important expedition required of them, General Sullivan was at this early period under the disagreeable necessity of issuing the following address to the army, which was communicated by the commanding officers to their corps separately, viz.:

GENERAL SULLIVAN'S ADDRESS.

"The commander-in-chief informs the troops that he used every effort to procure proper supplies for the army, and to obtain a sufficient number of horses to transport them, but owing to the inattention of those whose business it was to make tile necessary provision, he failed of obtaining such an ample supply as he wished, and -greatly fears that the supplies on hand will not, without the greatest prudence, enable him to complete the business of the expedition.

"He therefore requests the several brigadiers and officers commanding corps to take the mind of the troops under their respective commands, whether they will, whilst in this country, which abounds with corn and vegetables of every kind, be content to draw one half of flour, one half of meat and salt a day. And he desires the troops to give their opinions, with freedom and as soon as possible.

"Should they generally fall in with the proposal, he promises they shall be paid that part of the rations which is held back at the full value in money.

"He flatters himself that the troops who have discovered so much bravery and firmness will readily consent to fall in with a measure so essentially necessary to accomplish the important purpose of the expedition, to enable them to add to the laurels they have already gained.

"The enemy have subsisted for a number of days on corn only, without either salt, meat, or flour. and the general cannot persuade himself that troops, who so far surpass them in bravery and true valour, will suffer themselves to be outdone in that fortitude and perseverance, which not only distinguishes but dignifies the soldier. He does not mean to continue this through the campaign, but only wishes it to be adopted in those places where vegetables may supply the place of a part of the common ration of meat and flour, which will be much better than without any.

"The troops will please to consider the matter, and give their opinion as soon as possible."

Agreeable to the above address, the army was drawn up, (this evening,) in corps separately, and the same, through their commanding officers, made known to them, and their opinions requested thereupon, when the whole without a dissenting voice, cheerfully agreed to the request of the general, which they signified by unanimously holding up their hands and giving three cheers.

This remarkable instance of fortitude and virtue cannot but endear those brave troops to all ranks of people, more particularly as it was so generally and cheerfully entered into without a single dissenting voice.

Tuesday, August 31st. - Took up our line of march in usual order at 9 o'clock, A. M.; marched about four miles and a half through a broken and mountainous country, and an almost continuous defile on the east side of Cayuga branch, the west of the same for that distance was an excellent plain, on which large quantities of corn, beans, potatoes, and other vegetables stood and were destroyed bv us the preceding day. We then crossed Cayuga branch, where it forks with a stream of water running east and west, and landed on a most beautiful piece of country remarkably level. On the banks of the same stood a small Indian village, which was immediately destroyed. The soldiers found great quantities of furniture &c., which was buried, some of which they carried off, and some was destroyed. About 2 o'clock, P. M., we proceeded along the path which leads to Catharines town, (an Indian village,) and leaves the Cayuga branch on its left. About 5 o'clock, P. M., we encamped on a most beautiful plain, interspersed with marshes, well calculated for meadows. Wood chiefly pine, interspersed with hazel brushes, and great quantities of grass; distance of march this day, 10 miles.

Major General Sullivan's Official Report to Congress.

[From the Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser of Tuesday, October 19, 1779.]

The Chronicle of his Expedition against the Iroquois in 1779. -- The devastation of the Genesee country.

Teaogo, Sept. 30, 1779.  

Sir: -- In mine of the 30^th ultimo to His Excellency George Washington, and by him transmitted to Congress, I gave an account of the victory obtained by this army over the enemy at Newtown, on the 29^th August. I now do myself the honor to inform Congress of the progress of this army, and the most material occurrences which have since taken place.

The time taking up in destroying the corn, in the neighborhood of Newtown, employing the army near two days, and then appearing a probability that the destruction of all the crops might take a much greater length of time than was first apprehended, and being likewise convinced, by an accurate calculation, that it could not be possible to effect the destruction of the Indian country, with the provision on hand which was all I had in store, and indeed all I had pack horses to transport from Teaogo; in this situation I could think of but one expedient to answer the purposes of the expedition, which was to prevail, if possible, on the soldiers to content themselves with half a pound of flour and the same quantity of fresh beef per day, rather than leave the important business unfinished. I therefore drew up an address to them, a copy of which I have the honor to enclose you, which being read, was answered by three cheers from the whole army. Not one dissenting voice was heard from either officer or soldier. I had then on hand, from the best calculation I could make, twenty-two pounds of flour and sixteen pounds of beef per man; the former liable to many deductions by rains, crossing rivers and defiles; the latter much more so, from the almost unavoidable loss of cattle, when suffered to range the woods at night for their support. I was, however, encouraged in the belief, that I should be enabled to effect the destruction and total ruin of the Indian territories by this truly noble resolution of the army, for which, I know not whether the public stand more indebted to the pursuasive arguments which the officers began to use, or to the virtuous disposition of the soldiers, whose prudent and cheerful compliance with the requisition anticipated all their wishes, and rendered pursuasion unnecessary.

I sent back all my heavy artillery on the night of the 30^th, retaining only four brass three pounders, and a small howitzer; loaded the necessary ammunition on horseback, and marched early on the 31^st for Catherine's Town. On our way we destroyed a small settlement of eight houses, and a town called Konowhola, of about twenty houses, situated on a peninsula at the conflux of the Teaogo and Cayuga branches.--- We also destroyed several fields of corn. Form this point Colonel Dayton was detached with his regiment and the rifle corps up the Teaogo about six miles, who destroyed several large fields of corn. The army resumed their march, and encamped within thirteen miles and a half of Catherine's Town where we arrived the next day, although we had a road to open for the artillery, through a swamp nine miles in extant, and almost impervious. We arrived near Catherine's Town in the night, and moved on, in hopes to surprise it, but found it forsaken. On the next morning an old woman belonging to the Cayuga nation was found in the woods. She informed me that on the night after the battle of Newtown, the enemy, having fled the whole night, arrived there in great confusion early the next day; that she heard the warriors tell their women they were conquered and must fly; that they had a great many killed and vast numbers wounded. - She likewise heard the lamentations of many at the loss of their connections. In addition to this, she assured us, that some other warriors had met Butler at this place and desired him to return and fight again. But to this request they could not obtain no satisfactory answer, for, as they observed, "Butler's mouth was closed." The warriors who had been in the action were equally averse to the proposal, and would think of nothing but flight, and removal of their families; that they kept runners on every mountain to observe the movements of our army, who reported early in the day on which we arrived, that our advance was very rapid; upon which all those who had not been before sent off, fled with precipitation, leaving her without any possible means of escape. She said that Brant had taken most of the wounded up the Teaogo in canoes. I was, from many circumstances, fully convinced of the truth and sincerity of her declaration, and the more so, as we had, the day we left Newtown, discovered a great number of bloody packs, arms and accoutrements, thrown away in the road, and in the woods each side of it. Besides which, we discovered a number of recent graves, one of which has been since opened, containing the bodies of two persons who had died by wounds.

These circumstances, when added to that of so many warriors being left dead on the field, a circumstance not common with Indians, were sufficient to corroborate the woman's declaration, and to prove what I before conjectured, that the loss of the enemy was much greater than was at first apprehended. I have never been able to ascertain, with any degree of certainty, what force the enemy opposed to us at Newtown, but from the best accounts I have been able to collect, and from the opinion of General Poor, and others, who had the best opportunity of viewing their numbers, as well as from the extant of their lines, I suppose them to have been 1,500, though two prisoners, whom I believe totally ignorant of the number at any post but their own, as well as of the enemy's disposition, estimate them at only eight hundred, while they allow that five companies of rangers, all the warriors of Seneca, and six other nations, were collected at this place. In order to determine their force with as much accuracy as in my power, I examined their breastworks, and found the extant more than half a mile. Several bastions ran out in its front to flank the lines in every part. A small block-house, formerly a dwelling, was also manned in the front. The breastwork appeared to have been fully manned, though I supposed with only one rank. --- Some parts of their works being low, they were obliged to dig holes in the ground to cover themselves in part. This circumstance enabled me to judge the distance between their men in the works. A very thin scattering line, designed, as I suppose, for communicating signals, was continued from those works to that part of the mountain which General Poor ascended, where they had a very large body, which was designed, I imagined, to fall on our flank. The distance from the breastwork to this was at least one mile and a half. From thence to the hill in the rear of our right, was another scattering line of about one mile, and on the hill a breastwork with a strong party, destined, as it is supposed, to fall on our rear. But General Clinton being ordered so far to the right, occasioned his flank to pass the mountain, which obliged them to abandon their post. From these circumstances, as well as from the opinions of others, I cannot conceive their numbers to be less than what I have before mentioned.

The army spent one day at Catherine's destroying corn and fruit trees. We burnt the town, consisting of thirty houses. The next day we encamped near a small scattering settlement of about eight houses and two days after reached Kendaia, which we also found deserted. Here one of the inhabitants of Wioming, who had been last year captured by the enemy, escaped from them and joined us. He informed us that the enemy had left the town in the greatest confusion three days before our arrival. He said he had conversed with some of the tories on their return form the action at Newtown, who assured him they had great numbers killed and wounded, and there was no safety but in flight. He heard Butler tell them he must try to make a stand at Kanadasega; but they declared they would not throw away their lives in vain attempt to oppose such an army. He also heard many of the Indian women lamenting the loss of their connections and added that Brandt had taken most of the wounded up the Teaogo in water crafts which had been provided for that purpose in case of necessity. It was his opinion that the King of Kanadasega was killed as he saw him go down but not return and gave a description of his person and dress corresponding with those of one found on the field of action. --- Kendaia consisted of about twenty houses which were reduced to ashes, the houses were neatly built and finished. The army spent nearly a day at this place, in destroying corn and fruit trees of which there was a great abundance. Many of the trees appeared to be of great age. On the next day we crossed the outlet of the Seneca Lake and moved in three divisions through the woods to encircle Kanadsega, but found it likewise abandoned. A white child of about three years old, doubtless the offspring of some unhappy captive, was found here and carried with the army.

A detachment of four hundred men was sent down on the west side of the lake to destroy Gothseunquean and the plantations in the same quarters; at the same time a number of volunteers under Colonel Harper, made a forced march towards Cayuga Lake and destroyed Schoyere while the residue of the army were employed in destroying the corn at Kanadesega of which there was a large quantity. This town consisted of fifty houses and was pleasantly situated. --- In it we found a great number of fruit trees which were destroyed with the town. The army then moved on and in two days arrived at Kanandaque, having been joined on the march by the detachment sent along the Seneca Lake which had been almost two days employed in destroying the crops and settlements in that quarter. At Kanadaque we found twenty-three very elegant houses mostly finished and in general large. --- Here we also found very extensive fields of corn, which having been destroyed, we marched for Hannayaye, a small town of ten houses, which we also destroyed.

At this place we established a post leaving a strong garrison, our heavy stores and one field piece and proceeded to Chinesee, which the prisoners informed us was the grand capital of the Indian country, that Indians of all nations had been planting there this spring; that all the Rangers and some British had been employed in assisting them in order to raise sufficient supplies to support them while destroying our frontiers, and that they, themselves, had worked three weeks for the Indians when planting. This information determined me at all events to reach that settlement, though the state of my provisions, much reduced by unavoidable accidents, almost forbade the attempt. My flour had been much reduced by the failure of pack horses and in the passage of creeks and defiles; and twenty-seven of the cattle had been unavoidably lost. We however marched on for the Chinesee town and on the second day reached a town of twenty-five houses, called Koneghsaws. Here we found some large corn fields which part of the army destroyed while the other part were employed in building a bridge over an unfordable creek between this and Chinisee.

I had the preceding evening ordered out an officer with three or four riflemen, one of our guides and an Oneida chief to reconnoitre the Chinesee town, that we might, if possible, surprise it. Lieutenant Boid was the officer entrusted with this service, who took with him twenty-three men, volunteers form the same corps, and a few from Colonel Butler's regiment, making in all twenty-six, a much larger number than I had thought of sending, and by no means so likely to answer the purpose as that which had been directed. The guides were by no means acquainted with the country, mistook the road in the night, and at daybreak fell in with a castle six miles higher up than Chinesee, inhabited by a tribe called Squatchegas. Here they saw a few Indians, killed and scalped two, the rest fled. Two runners were immediately dispatched to me with the account and informed that the party were on their return. When the bridge was almost completed some of them came in and told us that Lieutenant Boid and men of his party were almost surrounded by the enemy; that the enemy had been discovering themselves before him for some miles; that his men had killed two and were eagerly pursuing the rest; but soon found themselves almost surrounded by three or four hundred Indians and rangers. Those of Mr. Boid's men who were sent to secure his flanks fortunately made their escape; but he with fourteen of his party and the Oneida chief being in the centre, were completely encircled. The light troops of the army and the flanking divisions were immediately detached to their relief; but arrived too late, the enemy having destroyed the party and escaped.

It appears that our men had taken to a small grove, the ground around it being clear on every side for several rods, and there fought till Mr. Boid was shot through the body, and his men all killed except one, who, with his wounded commander was made a prisoner. The firing was so close, before this brave party were destroyed, that the powder of the enemy's muskets was driven into their flesh. In this conflict the enemy must have suffered greatly, as they had no cover, and our men were possessed of a very advantageous one. This advantage of ground the obstinate bravery of the party, with some other circumstances, induced me to believe their loss must have been very considerable. They were so long employed in removing and secreting their dead, that the advance of General Hand's party obliged them to leave one alongside the riflemen, and at least a wagon load of packs, blankets, hats and provisions, which they had thrown off to enable them to act with more agility in the field. Most of these appeared to have been appertained to the rangers. Another reason which induces me to suppose they suffered much was the unparalleled tortures they inflicted upon the brave and unfortunate Boid, whose body, with that of the equally unfortunate companion, we found at Chinesee. It appeared that they had whipped them in the most cruel manner, pulled out Mr. Boid's nails, cut off his nose, plucked out one of his eyes, cut out his tongue, stabbed him with spears in sundry places, and inflicted other tortures which decency will not permit me to mention; lastly cut off his head, and left his body on the ground with that of his unfortunate companion, who appeared to have experienced nearly the same savage barbarity. The party Mr. Boid fell in with, was commanded by Butler, posted on an advantageous piece of ground, in order to fire upon our army when advancing; but they found their design frustrated by the appearance of this party in their rear.

The army moved on that day to the castle mentioned, which consisted of twenty-five houses, and had very extensive fields of corn, which being destroyed, we moved on the next day to Chinesee, crossing in our route a deep creek and the Little Seneca river; and after marching six miles we reached the Castle, which consisted of 128 houses, mostly large and elegant. The town was beautifully situated, almost encircled with a cleared flat, which extended for a number of miles, covered by the most extensive fields of corn, and every kind of vegetables that can be conceived. The whole army was immediately engaged in destroying the crops. The corn was collected and burned in houses and kilns, so the enemy might not reap the least advantage from it, which method we have pursued in every other place. Here a woman came to us who had been captured at Wioming. She told us the enemy evacuated the town two days before; that Butler at the same time went off with three or four hundred Indians and rangers, as he said, to get a shot at our army. This was undoubtedly the party which cut off Lieutenant Boid. She mentioned they kept runners constantly out, and that when our army was in motion, the intelligence was communicated by a yell; immediately on which the greatest terror and confusion apparently took place among them. The women were constantly begging the warriors to sue for peace, and that on e of the Indians had attempted to shoot Colonel Johnson for the falsehoods by which he had deceived and ruined them; that she overheard Butler telling Johnson that it was impossible to keep the Indians together after the Battle of New Town; that he thought they must soon be in a miserable situation, as all their crops would be destroyed, and that Canada could not supply them with provisions at Niagara; that he would endeavor to collect the warriors to assist in the defense of that fort, which he was of opinion this army would lay siege to, and the women and children he would send into Canada. After having destroyed this town, beyond which I was informed there was no settlement, and destroyed all their houses and crops in that quarter, the army having been advancing seventeen days with the supply of provisions before mentioned, and that much reduced on the march by accidents, and the Cayuga country being as yet unpenetrated, I thought it necessary to return as soon as possible in order to effect the destruction of the settlements in that quarter. The army therefore began its march to Kanadasaga.

I was met on the way by a sachem from Oneida and three warriors, one of whom I had sent from Katherine's with a letter, a copy of which I have the honor to enclose to Congress. They delivered me a message from the warriors of that nation respecting the Cayugas; copies of that and my answer I also enclose from this place. I detached Colonel Smith with a party down the west side of the Lake to destroy the corn which had not been cut down, and to destroy anything further which might be discovered there. I then detached Colonel Gansevoort with one hundred men to Albany to forward the baggage of the York regiments to the main army, and then to take with him such soldiers as were at that place. I directed him to destroy the lower Mohawk castle in his route, and capture the inhabitants, consisting only of six or seven families who were constantly employed in giving intelligence to the enemy, and in supporting their scouting parties when making incursions on our frontiers. When the Mohawks joined the enemy, those few families were undoubtedly left to answer such a purpose and to keep possession of their lands. The upper castle now inhabited by Orkeskes, our friends he was directed not to disturb. With him I sent Mr. Deane, who bore my answer to the Oneidas.

I then detached Colonel Butler with six hundred men to destroy the Cayuga country, and with him sent all the Indian warriors who said if they could find the Cayugas they would endeavor to persuade them to deliver themselves up as prisoners; the chief of them called Teguttelawana being a near relation to the Sachem . I then crossed the Seneca river and detached Colonel Dearborn to the west side of the Cayuga Lake to destroy all the settlements which might be found there and to intercept the Cayugas if they attempted to escape Colonel Butler. The residue of the army passing on between the lakes, towards Katherines. Colonel Dearborn burnt in his route six towns, including one which had been before partly destroyed by a small party; destroying at the same time quantities of corn. He took an Indian lad and three women prisoners, -- one of the women being very old and the lad a cripple; he left them, and brought on the other two and joined the army on the evening of the 26^th. Colonel Courtland was then detached with 300 men up the Teaoga branch to search for settlements in that quarter; and in the space of two days destroyed several fields of corn and burnt several houses. Colonel Butler joined the army on the 29^th day after our leaving Newtown. Here we were met by a plenty of provisions, from Teaoga, which I had previously directed to be sent on. Colonel Butler destroyed in the Cayuga country five principle towns and a number of scattering houses, the whole making about one hundred in number exceedingly large and well built. He also destroyed two hundred acres of excellent corn with a number of orchards, one of which had in it 1,500 fruit trees. Another Indian settlement was discovered near Newtown by a party, consisting of 39 houses, which were also destroyed. The number of towns destroyed by this army amounted to 40 besides scattering houses. The quantity of corn destroyed, at a moderate computation, must amount to 160,000 bushels, with a vast quantity of vegetables of every kind. Every creek and river has been traced, and the whole country explored in search of Indian settlements, and I am well persuaded that, except one town situated near the Allegana, about 50 miles from Chinesee there is not a single town left in the country of the Five nations.

It is with pleasure I inform Congress that this army has not suffered the loss of forty men in action or otherwise since my taking the command; though perhaps few troops have experienced a more fatiguing campaign. Besides the difficulties which naturally attend marching through an enemy's country, abounding in woods, creeks, rivers, mountains, morasses and defiles, we found no small inconvenience from the want of proper guides, and the maps of the country are so exceedingly erroneous that they serve not to enlighten but to perplex. We had not a person who was sufficiently acquainted with the country to conduct a party out of the Indian path by day, or scarcely in it by night; though they were the best I could possibly procure. Their ignorance, doubtless arose from the Indians having ever taken the best measures in their power to prevent their country's being explored. We had much labor in clearing out the roads for the artillery, notwithstanding which, the army moved from twelve to sixteen miles every day when not detained by rains, or employed in destroying settlements.

I feel myself much indebted to the officers of every rank for their unparalleled exertions, and to the soldiers for the unshaken firmness with which they endured the toils and difficulties attending the expedition. Though I had it not in command I should have ventured to have paid Niagara a visit, had I been supplied with fifteen days provisions in addition to what I had, which I am persuaded from the bravery and ardor of our troops would have fallen into our hands.

I forgot to mention that the Oneida Sachem requested me to grant his people liberty to hunt in the country of the Five Nations, as they would never think of settling again in a country once subdues, and where their settlements must ever be in our power. I, in answer, informed him that I had no authority to grant such a license; that I could not at present see reason to object to it, but advised them to make application to Congress, who, I believed, would, in consideration of their friendly conduct grant them every advantage of this kind that would not interfere with our settlement of the country, which I believed would soon take place. The Oneidas say that as no Indians were discovered by Colonel Butler at Cayuga, they are of the opinion they are gone to their castle, and that their Chiefs will persuade them to come in and surrender themselves on the terms I have proposed. The army began its march from Conowalohala yesterday, and arrived here this evening. After leaving the necessary force for securing the frontiers in this quarter, I shall move on to join the main army.

It would have been very pleasing to this army to have drawn the enemy to a second engagement, but such a panic seized them after the first action that it was impossible, as they never ventured themselves in reach of the army, nor have they fired a single gun at it on its march or in its quarters, though in a country exceedingly well calculated for ambuscades. This circumstance alone would sufficiently prove that they suffered severely in their first effort.

Congress will please pardon the length of this narration, as I thought a particular and circumstantial detail of facts would not be disagreeable, especially as I have transmitted no accounts of the progress of this army since the action of the 29^th of August. I flatter myself that the orders with which I was entrusted are fully executed, as we have not left a single settlement or field of corn in the country of the Five Nations, nor is there even the appearance of an Indian on this side of Niagara. Messengers and small parties have been constantly passing, and some imprudent soldiers who straggled from the army, mistook the route and went back almost to Chinesee without discovering even the track of an Indian. I trust the steps I have taken with respect to the Oneidas, Cayugas and Mohawks will prove satisfactory; and here I beg leave to mention that in searching the houses of those pretended neutral Cayugas, a number of scalps were found, which appeared to have been lately taken, which Colonel Butler showed to the Oneidas, who said that they were then convinced of the justice of the steps I had taken. The promise made to the soldiers in my address at Newtown I hope will be thought reasonable by Congress, and flatter myself that the performance of it will be ordered.

Colonel Bruin will have the honor of delivering these dispatches to your Excellency. I beg leave to recommend him to the particular notice of Congress, as an officer who, on this as well as several other campaigns, has proved himself an active, brave, and truly deserving officer.

I have the honor to be, with the most exalted elements of esteem and respect, your Excellency's most obedient and ever humble servant,
 

JOHN SULLIVAN.
 

His Excellency John Jay, Esq.

Published by order of Congress.
 

Charles Thompson, Secretary.
 

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